The complex relationships between religion and politics pose an important and timely topic, not only as items of academic interest, but also as matters of significant social concern.  Since 1970, the United States has witnessed a steady succession of movements, activities, and circumstances that have brought the institutions of government and of religion together in often unanticipated and sometimes conflictive ways.

Contrary to widely accepted views in the 1950s and 1960s, recent events suggest that religion has not simply retreated from public life or differentiated itself more sharply from political processes.  Scholars have been led to challenge established theories, to think more carefully about the continuing role of religion as a factor in contemporary politics, and to frame arguments about the "deprivatization" of religion.

Although much attention has been devoted to the relationships between religion and politics during the past two decades, this work has often seriously neglected the role of mainline Protestantism. 

Throughout its history, American mainline Protestantism has been at the center of efforts to achieve political reform, and its teachings have been an integral part of Americans' most sacred understandings of their nation as well as of their responsibilities as citizens.  As recently as the 1960s, mainline Protestantism played a major role in the civil rights movement, the protest movement against the Vietnam war, and the extension of rights and entitlements to women.  In recent years, these efforts have been overshadowed by politically and theologically conservative movements such as those led by Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson.  Some observers have concluded that mainline Protestantism is dying, and has already lost its public voice.  And yet, there is little reliable evidence--other than popular pronouncements--on which to determine the accuracy of this conclusion.  If these assertions are correct, moreover, we need to understand why.  On this point, too, the conventional wisdom is unhelpful.

In addition, most of the research done on mainline Protestantism in recent years has failed to say much about its political dimension, focusing more on declining memberships, financial problems, and struggles to retain the commitment of “baby boomers.”  Undoubtedly these challenges have made it more difficult for religious leaders to take an active role in politics.  But there is danger in concluding that this is the entire story.  Despite their declines, mainline churches command vast resources:  well-educated clergy, large numbers of middle-class parishioners, seminaries, and a proud tradition of theological reflection and public involvement.  The deployment of these resources will increasingly depend on leaders' ability to form coalitions and to frame issues in a way that has relevance to the policy process.  Some anecdotal evidence suggests that mainline institutions have already begun making such adjustments.  But here again, sustained investigation might reveal which strategies are most effective.

Some Questions

The gap in the literature is of interest for reasons other than scholarly curiosity alone.  Our neglect of the public activities of the mainline churches means that new questions of importance both to religious leaders and to public officials are left unanswered.  For example, is a new progressive era possible, one that will utilize the powers of government more wisely, compassionately and efficiently to reduce crime, improve the nation's schools, and address problems in the delivery of social services?  Can mainline protestant institutions contribute to bringing such an era to pass?  Will they?

Questions are also being raised about mainline churches' potential for bringing faith perspectives to bear on moral and ethical issues of national importance, such as ways of strengthening family commitments, overcoming racial discrimination, and elevating the level of debate about business ethics and social responsibilities.  Can religious leaders and political officials with progressive views work together to achieve such aims? 

One of the most significant issues facing American politics at present is the widening gap between the wealthy few and the large minority of families whose incomes are at or below the poverty level.  Mainline Protestantism has long been an advocate of greater economic justice.  Yet, as one writer has observed, "Progressives are silent and liberalism is awash in self-doubt." This silence and self-doubt is all the more troublesome because other means of mobilizing civic involvement among and on behalf of the disadvantaged (such as labor unions, political parties, and community organizations) appear to be declining.  Can the mainline churches articulate a distinctive response?

Questions are also being voiced about divisions among liberal organizations that may be inhibiting their ability to form effective political coalitions.  For example, some observers suggest that feminists have been reluctant to work with religious leaders because they perceive the church to be an unreliable partner on the issue of reproductive choice.  Some observers also suggest that liberal Christians and Jews have had difficulty cooperating because of different views toward the role of faith in public life.  Have mainline denominations begun to resolve these challenges to their alliances? 

Many believe that the welfare policies initiated by the new deal have failed.  New policies being put into place claim to take better account of the public's anti-government stance, its interest in voluntarism, and the need to work with local governments and private firms.  Critics in the mainline traditions and elsewhere doubt these claims.  Can mainline religious leaders make a positive contribution to this rethinking?  Opinion is also divided as to whether religious leaders have become too much a party to the "insider" thinking of policy makers or whether they have remained too much on the "outside" as prophetic voices.

These are not the only questions worth posing.  Nor are they new questions.  Outside pundits and individuals within these institutions occasionally offer their analysis.  The challenge to our project is to offer a careful empirical basis from which academics, practitioners and others can venture responses to these, and other, significant queries concerning the public voice of mainline Protestantism. 

The Princeton Project

With funding from The Pew Charitable Trusts, Princeton University in cooperation with The Aspen Institute is initiating a three-year project aimed at enhancing our understanding of the public role of mainline Protestantism.  The project hopes to help stimulate a national conversation among mainline Protestant leaders about how to engage more effectively in the important challenges that face our nation at the start of the twenty-first century.

The project is focusing on changes from 1970 to the present.  It is emphasizing (but is not restricted to) the activities of the United Methodist Church, the Presbyterian Church (USA), the Episcopal Church, the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, the United Church of Christ, and the American Baptist Churches.  (The project is being conducted simultaneously with other Pew-sponsored projects on African American churches and on American Judaism and in anticipation of other Pew-sponsored projects that will examine the public voice of other religious traditions in the United States.) 

The research component is a collaborative effort involving faculty, postdoctoral fellows, and graduate students at Princeton, as well as scholars from other institutions.  Approximately fifteen studies will be commissioned as part of this effort.  These studies divide roughly into two categories:

 Studies providing overviews of the social and cultural resources of the mainline Protestant denominations, and the actual or potential deployment of these resources in public life.  These will include a national survey designed to gauge public opinion about issues of particular concern to mainline churches, further analysis of available data (such as the General Social Survey and the National Congregations Survey), and qualitative assessments of the organizational structures and values of the mainline denominations.

 Studies examining particular issues or issue-areas that have been of concern to mainline denominations to determine strategies that have worked with greater or lesser degrees of effectiveness.  These will include racial justice, the environment, social welfare, family values, sexuality, community development, and public ethics, as well as several topics still under consideration.

The liaison and outreach component of the project is being coordinated through the Faith and Public Policy Program of the Aspen Institute.  This component will include a symposium on journalism and the Protestant mainline, a symposium on mainline Protestant lobbying efforts, and a major national conference involving policy makers and denominational officials. 

For additional information, please go here.