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RESEARCH





  • Social and Spatial Networks in Rural Development: A Study of Uganda's Agriculture Productivity Enhancement Project

    (In collaboration with Guy Grossman)
  • rationale
    Development scholars regard producer organizations as a core component of poverty reduction strategies, but little is known about the social dynamics that make certain producer organizations more successful than others. In collaboration with Guy Grossman (Columbia University), I am organizing an extensive research on producer organizations to study the social factors that explain group variation in economic performance, as well as the consequences of economic development on the quality of life (health, education, well-being) of households and villages. Goal of the research is to assess the importance of social and spatial networks, associational capital, and leadership accountability in shaping economic and social outcomes.

    research The research will focus on Uganda's largest rural development project in recent years – the Agriculture Productivity Enhancement Project (APEP) – involving over 60,000 farmers and 2,500 village-level organizations. APEP's stated goal is to support subsistence farmers' transition into commercial farming and increase small farmers' productivity and marketing capabilities. APEP's rate of success varies across villages due to local leaders' capacity to spread information, elicit trust relationships, and facilitate the emergence of accountability practices.

    Following a multilevel and multimethod research design, data will be collected at the farmer, village, and parish levels through farmers and local leaders survey interviews and will include observational data, social networks, and behavioral games. Among the innovations of the project, we will use behavioral games to capture the motivations behind actors' strategic interactions and will provide valuable insight on the effect of interpersonal, associational, and spatial (inter-village) networks on economic outcomes.

    Overall, the research contributes to the shift from a suggestive to an empirically grounded understanding of social capital, by systematically measure its relevant aspects (i.e., social networks, associational memberships, spatial proximity and inter-village relationships) and distinguish between social capital – defined as the ability of persons and groups to secure benefits through social networks – and its source mechanisms (i.e., social norms, trust, reciprocity) and consequences (i.e., innovation adoption, organizational building, economic performance). ;

    papers
    please, contact me at dbalda@princeton.edu if you want to know more about this project.


    |other research|



  • Civic Networks, Associational Life and Social Integration
  • rationale
    While civic engagement and a vibrant associational life usually bring positive outcomes for the collectivity, they are not themselves a guarantee of democratic outcomes. To assess civil society's potential as a public arena for discussion, mediation, and deliberation, it is important to consider the properties of the network that connects organizations to each other, thus facilitating or constraining their crosscutting, bridging and bonding capability.
    I pursue this agenda in two ways: First, by analyzing the actual web of collaborative ties among civic society organizations – civic networks – in order to investigate inter-organizational patterns of relations and the emerging structural properties they generate. Second, I consider trends of individuals’ civic engagement in different types of associations and relate them to patterns of social and political polarization. Taken together, these contributions add to current debates by focusing on the meso-level mechanisms that translate individual civic engagement into collective outcomes. This poses questions for further research.

    research
    Civic Networks and Social Integration
    (in collaboration with Mario Diani)
    This research relates some popular concepts in the debate on civil society – such as generalized reciprocity, horizontal solidarity and social capital – to specific network configurations. It considers both the formal features and relational contents of inter-organizational networks. I employ data on the web of collaborative ties and overlapping memberships among civic organizations from a research on 258 voluntary groups, political organizations, and advocacy associations in two British cities (124 in Glasgow and 134 in Bristol) active on issues of social exclusion, environment, ethnic minorities, and community. The data had been collected by Mario Diani (principal investigator) as part of the “Networks of Civic Organizations in Britain” – project funded by the Economic and Social Research Council.
    Results suggest that civic networks present a polycentric structure based on horizontal solidarity and generalized exchange, in which organizations choose allies that are mutually compatible and engage in patterns of exchange that typically involve multiple actors. In such a model, collaboration patterns while reflecting two alternative structural tendencies – clustering and connectivity – generate different kinds of social capital – bonding and bridging.

    Changes in the Associative Patterns of Americans
    I investigate the consequences that organizational changes and changes in the associative styles of the American population have had for the general features of the network of civic associations, with a specific focus on individuals’ patterns of multiple affiliations.
    I intend to combine empirical data analysis and simulation techniques. Two main sources of data are currently available. The General Social Survey, that provides consistent information about 16 different types of organizational involvement of respondents covering a time period of 30 years (1972-2004) and the Encyclopedia of Associations, which is a comprehensive source of information on nonprofit membership organizations that covers more than 115,000 U.S regional, state and local associations.
     
    papers
    D. Baldassarri, M. Diani "The Integrative Power of Civic Network," American Journal of Sociology, forthcoming.


    links
    and data

    Network of Civic Organizations in Britain: research report, summary, papers(ESRC)

    General Social Survey 1972-2004: Cumulative file

    Encyclopedia of Associations: on-line search database


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  • Social Contexts, Interpersonal Influence and Dynamics of Polarization
  • rationale
    I address the debate on public opinion polarization, by showing the impact of relational networks and social context in the production and reinforcement of political attitudes and identities. This study gives primacy to the social groups in which people are actually embedded in over the social categories they belong to and focuses on the relation between alters’ political orientation and ego’s attitudes and behavior. My strategy has been, first, to model dynamics of interpersonal influence over political attitudes in order to study the simultaneous evolution of political views and patterns of interaction. I then test the simulation results against empirical evidence, both relying on existing public opinion surveys and designing new ones.
    research
    Interpersonal Influence and Dynamics of Polarization
    (in collaboration with Peter Bearman)
    In collaboration with Peter Bearman, I developed a model of interpersonal influence over political attitudes sensitive to dynamics of political discussion. Results from this model have been deployed to explain the apparent paradox of the simultaneous presence and absence of polarization in contemporary US public opinion: We show that when a single issue monopolizes public discourse, simple mechanisms of social interaction and personal influence can lead to both social and ideological polarization.

    Issue Alignment and Political Polarization in Contemporary America
    (in collaboration with Andrew Gelman)
    In a joint project with Andrew Gelman, we analyze the cumulative General Social Survey (1974 – 2004) and National Election Survey (1972-2004) datasets, searching for patterns of bivariate correlation between different types of variables. We search for instances of political polarization by asking, first, if there are issues that polarize public opinion, second, which is the relation between political and socio-demographic polarization, and lastly, if there is evidence of alignment between different issues.

    Social Contexts Polarization
    This study aims at capturing the impact of individuals’ social contexts at large, while retaining the specificity of actual interpersonal relations. I designed a new set of survey questions that were first introduced in the Italian National Elections Studies 2006 oriented at capturing: 1) respondents’ overall knowledge of the political views in their social contexts and 2) the political composition of respondents’ social contexts.
    The questions were asked in three different social contexts: family; workplace or school; and groups or associations and have been analyzed in order to study the relation among exposure to more or less homogeneous social contexts, strength of individual attitudes and political behavior. Findings suggest that there is a positive relation between frequency of interaction, contextual knowledge and the level of homogeneity of ego’s social contexts and that the family and associational social contexts affect both political behavior and the strength of political commitment, even controlling for individual socio-demographic characteristics and ideology.
    A similar set of questions has been proposed for the American National Elections Studies Pilot Study 2006 and General Election Study 2008. Its inclusion is contingent on the decision of the ANES Board of Oversees.
     papers and projects
    D. Baldassarri, P. Bearman "Dynamics of Political Polarization", American Sociological Review, forthcoming.

    D. Baldassarri, A. Gelman 2008 "Partisans without Constraint: Political Polarization and Trends in American Public Opinion,"American Journal of Sociology. 114(2): 408-46.

    D. Baldassarri, A.Gelman "Political Polarization and Social Groups,"
    research proposal submitted to the American National Election Studies Fall 2006 Pilot study.

    D. Baldassarri "Political Polarization and Social Contexts," working paper.


    links and data
    Italian National Election Studies research group Itanes

    Itanes 2006 data will be available in January 2008
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  • Public Opinion, Cognitive Heuristics and Political Decision Making
    (in collaboration with Hans Schadee)
  • rationale
    Voters differ in their level of political interest and information, thus it is not plausible to assume that all voters deploy the same decision-making strategy. Yet, most empirical analyses of electoral surveys make precisely this assumption by using a single set of independent variables for modeling electoral choice. Instead, it is more conceivable that voters reason in qualitatively different ways, evaluate according to different criteria, use different types of information, and thus follow different paths to define their preferences. Drawing on studies of decision-making, cognitive and political psychology as well as previous research in public opinion sensitive to voters’ heterogeneity, I developed a model where voters use various cognitive shortcuts – heuristics – to arrive at decisions.
    research
    By using only two sets of variables present in nearly all election surveys, I propose classification criteria that are both able to grasp actual differences in the level of political cognition and sophistication, and identify what kind of information are pertinent for the task at hand. I demonstrate that people follow multiple strategies and rely selectively on different kind of available information. It follows that parties, leaders, coalitions and media affect voter behavior, but they have different leverage on different types of voters. Thus a proper account of voter behavior needs to move from the search of vote determinants to the search of multiple mechanisms through which voters perceive, represent and evaluate politics.
    Future research unfolds in two directions. First, I will broaden this research to a larger set of countries. A second line of inquiry focuses the study of dynamic decision patterns in experimental settings.
    papers and projects
    D. Baldassarri La semplice Arte di Votare. Le Scorciatoie cognitive degli Elettori Italiani, Il Mulino, Bologna, 2005.

    D. Baldassarri, H.M.A. Schadee "Voter Heuristics and Political Cognition in Italy: An Empirical Typology,Electoral Studies, forthcoming.

    D. Baldassarri, H.M.A. Schadee "The Appeal of Coalitions: How and Why Electoral Alliances Affect Voters' Political Understanding," Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, 2, 249-276, 2004.

    D. Baldassarri, “Does the Ideological Voter Exist?: The Use of 'Left' and 'Right' by Italian Voters,Quaderni dell’Osservatorio Elettorale, 49, 5-34, 2003.

    links and data

    Italian National Election Studies research group Itanes

    Itanes Election Surveys data

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  • Formal Models of Collective Action
  • rationale
    In the  study of formal models of collective action my goal has been to move beyond the ‘free rider’ problem and to apply analytical tools for the understanding of a broader set of aspects that are distinctive of collective action phenomena: Namely, the formation of collective identities and interests; the interplay between individual attitudes and social networks, and between multiple levels of decision making; and finally, the interdependence of individual and collective interests. In sum, I suggest shifting the research agenda from the study of problems of coordination and aggregation of individual choices to problems of identity construction and social influence.
    research
    Consistent with this research agenda, I am working on a formal model of collective action able to account for the ideational and structural preconditions of collective action. Distinctive features of the model are the endogenous selection of the ‘public good’ from a pool of different issues of interest, and the dynamic evolution of both the social structure and individuals’ political attitudes from patterns of social interaction and influence sensitive to the intensity and directionality of actors’ political commitment. This work builds upon the model of interpersonal influence I have developed with Peter Bearman in order to study dynamics of political polarization.

    papers and projects
    D. Baldassarri, P. Bearman "Dynamics of Political Polarization", American Sociological Review, forthcoming.

    D. Baldassarri, “Collective Action” in P. Hedström and P. Bearman (eds.) The Oxford Handbook of Analytical Sociology.

    D. Baldassarri, "Beyond Free Riding: On the Use of Formal Models for the Study of Collective Action," Rassegna Italiana di Sociologia, 1, 125-156, 2005.


    links and data
    the simulation script and other support material will be available soon.
    |other research|

  • Militants, Soldiers and Partisan Resistance in Italy (1940-1945)
  • rationale
    By referring to a period as dramatic as the Second World War and to the stories of front line combatants, being them political opponents, Partisans, regime loyal, or regular soldiers, I intend to focus on the consequences of political commitment, partisan loyalty and group influence in extreme situations, when people are exposed to ultimate threats. Oftentimes we explain people’s behavior on the basis of their ideology or value system, taking for granted the fact that political attitudes automatically translate into consistent courses of action. At the same time we are apt to recognize that the translation of ideological values into everyday practices usually does not occur in their most pure, extreme forms.
    The study of political action in extreme conditions challenges these two statements at once. First, it is reasonable to think that, when the cost of certain actions is high, behavior does not necessary follows from attitudes, in fact, most of the time it does not. Second, and more interesting, it is the case that, in extreme situations, when congruence between ideological attitudes and behavior actually occurs, often they take on the most extreme forms.

    research
    Prisoners "collective"
    In November 1926, the Fascist regime declared all opposition parties illegal and regime opponents started to be interned. Political prisoners received differentiated treatment, and were confined to special departments. This provided a special environment for the nurturing of collective action, posing the basis for the future Resistance and Liberation movement.
    I rely on an exceptional document, the “Register of political prisoners’ punishments" of the prison of Civitavecchia, in which guards on duty reported prisoners’ infractions, including their date, number and name of the prisoners, and in great detail, the nature of the infraction, as well as prisoners’ defense and the final decision on the case. The peculiarity of the documentation can be understood only by referring to the practices that took places among prisoners. Specifically, communist prisoners organized themselves in a “collective” (il collettivo) in which egalitarianism ruled. Although facing extreme conditions, both physical and psychological, prisoners systematically engaged in high risk, forbidden activities, in order to build and sustain a virtuous circle of solidarity.
    After a systematic coding and analysis of each of the 243 episodes of infraction that involved 184 prisoners over a period of 500 days, I argue that egalitarianism became the ruling system among prisoners as result of the interplay between their strong, preexistent ideological commitment, and the peculiarity of the control system. 

    'Partigiani' and 'Repubblichini'
    Following Mussolini’s overthrow, on September 8th Italy surrendered to the allies and few days later declared war on Germany. After two decades of Fascist regime, in a few weeks Italian citizens found themselves with a new government, new allies and, moreover, for those serving in the Army both at home or abroad, no instruction about what to do. Depending on their location, rank and file soldiers had different options, among which to head home, join the Resistance or the militia of the fascist Repubblica Sociale Italiana (RSI). When captured by the Germans, the choice was between joining the RSI troops and being interned in work/detention camps.
    In a research that took more than two decades, the Institute of the History of the National Liberation of the Cuneo Province collected information on all people that died in the war from 1940 to 1945. For each of the 15430 persons reported, there are socio-demographic and family data, occupation, military history, Army battalion and the date, place, and cause of death. This complete census of the fallen in the Cuneo Province allows, given its size and its level of detail, to trace the profile of these combatants, and compare their life stories, seeking those differences (or similarities) that brought them into opposing alternative fronts. Data will be (probably) released in the Summer 2007.
    papers
    D. Baldassarri "Prisoners without dilemma. Punishment and Resistance in the Civitavecchia political Prison (1941-1943)", working paper.


    links and data
    A. Natoli, V., Foa, C., Ginzburg Il registro. Carcere politico di Civitavecchia 1941-1943, Roma, 1994.  know more

    M. Calandri (ed) Vite spezzate. I 15430 morti nella guerra 1940-1945, Cuneo, 2001 know more

    National Institute of the History of the Italian Liberation Movement Insmli data archives

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