US-Canadian Fishing Wars
Lilith Wood
In 1897, the Klondike Gold Rush brought Canada
and the United States
into a heated border conflict. The line between
British Columbia and
Southeast Alaska would determine who controlled
the Inside Passage,
the quickest route to gold. There was some ambiguity:
Great Britain and
Russia had drawn boundaries in the 1860s, but
the lines had not been
redrawn since the creation of the Canadian confederation
and the
American purchase of Alaska. Great Britain, Russia,
and the United
States all agreed where the border should be,
and Canada was defeated.
One hundred years later, the border between British
Columbia and
Alaska is a source of trouble once again, this
time because migrating
salmon refuse to acknowledge it.
Pacific Salmon Dispute
The long-running Pacific salmon dispute stumbled
into the spotlight on 19
July 1997 when the blockade of the M/V Malaspina,
an Alaskan state
ferry, began. One hundred and ninety British
Columbian fishermen
blocked the M/V Malaspina from leaving Prince
Rupert's harbor for
three days. The ferry was carrying 328 passengers,
71 vehicles and,
most significantly, two vans of frozen sockeye
salmon.1
In 1985, after fifteen years of negotiation, the
US and Canada signed the
Pacific Salmon Treaty. The treaty provides management
guidelines based
on notions of conservation and equity. Numbers
of salmon returning to
spawn in rivers vary from year to year so the
details of implementation
must be worked out annually and annexed to the
treaty. However, there
have been no annexes to the treaty since negotiations
broke down in
1994, and although talks resumed, they were never
successful. Due to
this failure to reach an agreement, quotas have
been based on previous
annexes and abundance of salmon stocks.2 Both
governments claim to
abide by tenets of the Pacific Salmon Treaty,
and each asserts that it has
made the most sacrifices for conservation.
Negotiations
In February 1997, the Pacific Salmon Commission
brought fishermen
from each side of the conflict to the bargaining
table. The US believes
these stakeholder talks offer the best chance
for a resolution to the
conflict. While the government-to-government
talks had difficulty moving
beyond the assertion of positions, the stakeholders
were able to propose
solutions fairly quickly.3 Unfortunately, Canada
called off the talks on 9
May 1997 before an agreement could be reached.
US stakeholders
were frustrated by what they perceived to be
a last-minute inability to
focus by Canadian fishermen.4 Canada's Fisheries
Minister David
Anderson cited American inflexibility as the
obstacle to resolution.5
Canadian Ambassador Raymond Chretien stressed
that Canada did not
"walk out" of talks but simply reacted in the
only way possible to the
"chaos" of the US negotiations team.6
Summer was approaching quickly, and many stakeholders
wanted to fish
halibut before the advent of the salmon season.
The two governments
decided to pick up the negotiations where the
stakeholders had left off.7
However, government-to-government talks broke
off on 21 May 1997.
The following day, the Canadian Department of
Fisheries and Oceans
stepped up enforcement of measures requiring
foreign vessels to contact
Canadian authorities when passing through Canadian
waters.8 Four
American fishing vessels traveling from Washington
to Alaska were
detained in Port Hardy. Alaska's Senator Frank
Murkowski called for
the Coast Guard to act as escorts for fishing
boats making the trip up to
Alaska.9 Most US officials did not react so melodramatically,
believing
British Columbia's June election had accounted
for the recent rise in
political tough-talk.10 But when talks resumed
after the election, they
broke off again in a matter of days. British
Columbia Premier Glen Clark
accused the United States of violating the Pacific
Salmon Treaty and
over-fishing with impunity.
1997 Salmon Season
The 1997 salmon season was difficult for nearly
everyone. Alaska's
Bristol Bay sockeye fishery faced a huge disappointment;
fifteen million
of the predicted thirty-four million fish failed
to arrive. In northern
Southeast Alaska, runs were weak and arrived
later than in previous
years. Although fishermen grimly hoped the dearth
of sockeyes in Bristol
Bay would boost prices, sockeye prices were down
50% from 1996,
and prices for the other four species of Pacific
salmon were down as
well. The United States fishermen went on strike
against Alaskan
processors demanding a higher pink salmon price,
while a Canadian
dispute between indigenous and non-indigenous
commercial fishermen
led to resentment and, on at least one oc
casion, poaching.11 There was anxiety and very
little net profit in both
camps.
In July, attention was riveted on Alaska's District
104/Noyes Island
fishery, center stage for an issue left dangling
by stakeholders and their
governments alike. Although this fishery targets
pink salmon
(approximately 12 million pinks are caught annually),
thousands of
Canadian sockeyes bound for the Skeena River
are intercepted by
American nets. A Canadian fishery targeting these
sockeyes adjoins
District 104. Sockeyes, called "money fish" within
the industry, are
historically the most lucrative of all Pacific
salmon. Both Canadian and
US fishermen in the area had caught more sockeyes
than usual by July
1997, and according to Alaska Governor Tony Knowles'
office, this
increase in sockeye bycatch was the result of
a strong, early run and
favorable climatic conditions. When it became
apparent that there was to
be a large catch of Canadian sockeyes, the steps
the US took to reduce
fishing time were not as drastic as Canada would
have liked. Ottawa
retaliated by encouraging Canadian fishermen
to intercept fish returning to
American rivers.12
In July Canadian Premier Glen Clark told newspapers,
"Alaskan
fishermen are currently engaging in one of the
most aggressive attacks on
British Columbian sockeye salmon ever witnessed."13
Senator
Murkowski rejoined by saying, "The fish the American
fishermen are
taking are US pinks."14 US fishermen were not
"attacking Canadian
sockeyes," but they were not catching exclusively
pinks either. While
scientists from both countries agree that one-third
of the sockeyes caught
by Alaskans were Alaskan salmon, the fact remains
that more sockeyes
than usual were harvested in that fishery. 15
British Columbia M.P. John
Cummins explained the treaty's stipulation that
the US would not fish
more than 120,000 sockeyes in District 104 beyond
the thirty-first week
of the year.16 By mid-July however, Americans
had caught 470,000
sockeyes.17 Governor Knowles' office maintains
that Cummins was
referring to an annex that expired in 1991, and
even then the 120,000
figure had never been stated. The annex had mandated
that District 104
be managed so that the US harvest of Skeena River
sockeye would not
exceed 480,000 in four years.18
The impassioned rhetoric of Clark coupled with
the economic hardship
British Columbian fishermen faced prevented passions
from cooling.
Instead, what had been an inconvenient impasse
was elevated to what
the media began to call a war. Cummins emphasized
that neither he nor
Clark were in favor of the blockade, saying "it
was the spontaneous
reaction of ordinary people."19 Many Alaskans
feel that Clark's
inflammatory comments created a climate that
made the blockade
possible particularly when he likened Alaskan
fishermen to pirates and
brigands. With boat payments to make and bills
to pay, British
Columbian fishermen listened when Clark told
them, "They're stealing
Canadian fish."20 Clark referred to the blockade
as "courageous" and
said if he were a fisherman he would have participated.21,
22 Cummins
remarked that "all British Columbians" felt the
fish on the ferry belonged
to Canada.23
British Columbia-Ottawa Rift
Although the blockade appeared to be the result
of friction between
British Columbia and Alaska, it also illuminated
the rift between British
Columbia and Ottawa. Cummins felt that the blockade
could have been
ended at least 24 hours earlier if Federal Fisheries
Minister David
Anderson had been more prompt in returning fishermen's
calls or if he
had not waited two days before flying to Prince
Rupert.24 The blockade
may have been as much a cry for help aimed at
Ottawa as it was an act
of aggression against Alaska.
Unlike the United States, where each state has
its own Fish and Game
department, Canada's Department of Fisheries
and Oceans has
jurisdiction over all the provinces. Ottawa,
not British Columbia, holds
Canada's one seat at the bargaining table, while
Alaska, Washington, and
Oregon hold three separate seats. This remote
management of resources
has caused tension in the federal-provincial
relationship. Ottawa has
regarded Clark's efforts, seen as heroic by some
British Columbians and
quixotic by others, without a great deal of approval.
In 1994, Brian Tobin, now Newfoundland's premier,
had gained
popularity for taking a firm stand against the
US when, as Fisheries
Minister, he imposed a transit fee on US fishing
vessels traveling through
Canadian waters. At first Clark was congratulated
for following in
Tobin's footsteps, but most felt he had gone
too far when he decided to
sue the state of Alaska for violation of the
Pacific Salmon Treaty. Four
premiers, led by Tobin and Saskatchewan's Roy
Romanow, criticized
British Columbia's tactics.25 Cummins lauded
Clark for getting the
salmon issue into the headlines and bringing
it to Ottawa's attention, but
Cummins could not support the suit. "My understanding
of the US court
system is that [Clark] doesn't have a snowball's
chance in hell,"26
Cummins commented. Ottawa
argued that lawsuits are fruitless and jeopardize
Ottawa's quiet diplomacy
with Washington, provoking many British Columbians
who already
wondered which side Ottawa supported. Robert
Wright, a member of
the US/Canadian commission since 1985, resigned
in September 1997
saying the province was "sabotaging" by its "ill-conceived
law suit"
against the United States any hope of settling
the salmon dispute.
Because he felt that the British Columbian government
had inflamed
relations with the US simply to boost Clark's
popularity, he also resigned
from his role as Clark's advisor.27 On 2 October
1997, Prime Minister
Jean Chretian reprimanded Clark in an address
to 1,200 Liberals in
Vancouver, calling his actions "very irresponsible"
and "not very helpful."
"It's nice to tell Americans to go away," Chretian
remarked, "but it's very
nice to pick up their dollars when they come
here."28 Ottawa managed to
quash Clark's threats to terminate the lease
of the Nanoose Bay torpedo
testing range to the United States Navy, saying
that the province does not
have jurisdiction over the Navy's lease.29, 30
In September 1997, Alaskan politicians gained
support from
Washington, D.C., in a letter from President
Clinton. Clinton wrote, "Any
recurrence of illegal and inexcusable actions
on the West Coast will
necessitate our taking appropriate counter-measures."31
In October,
Ambassador Chretien represented Ottawa's position
in a
sharply-worded briefing paper addressed to Congress.
Ottawa reminded
the US in no uncertain terms that it was the
US, not Canada, that had
precipitated the salmon war. British Columbia,
still not satisfied with
Ottawa's treatment of the issue, sent its own
lengthy list of complaints and
accusations.32
Souring of US-Canadian Relations
Relations between Washington, D.C. and Ottawa
may still fall under the
auspices of "quiet diplomacy," but since this
summer the relationship
between the two countries has become increasingly
tense. The Illegal
Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility
Act of 1996 was
written in a way that would have required Canadian
nationals to carry
"smart cards" containing passport information.
Congress assured
Ambassador Chretien that it had not intended
to inconvenience Canada
by imposing new regulations on Canadian nationals,
and an exemption
amendment was approved to the now enacted law.
33 The incident
makes it look as though Canada may have slipped
Washington's mind.
One wonders if Senator Pat Leahy (D-VT) was speaking
the truth when
he said of Canada, "the State Department forgets
it's there."34 Indeed,
Canadian resentment of the US
has grown in connection with several recent policy
issues. Canadian
Trade Minister Sergio Marchi is not backing down
to US Trade
Representative Charlene Barshefsky's accusation
that Canada is illegally
subsidizing its dairy exports and squeezing US
processors out of key
foreign markets in Asia and Mexico. Marchi says
he will defend
Canada's $3.7 billion dairy industry.35 In foreign
policy, the two nations
have not always seen eye-to-eye. Both Prime Minister
Chretian and
Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy expressed
their displeasure
when Clinton refused to back an accord that would
ban anti-personnel
landmines. Clinton's refusal threatened to sour
the feeling of
accomplishment evident in national headlines
like "Mine pact Canada's
triumph."36
As tempers flare over salmon, officials on one
side of the border or the
other have threatened to scrap the Pacific Salmon
Treaty altogether. The
barely-civilized scuffle between Canada and the
US over money, assets
and legal details make it easy to forget everything
the two countries
share. They have successfully coexisted for over
a century, boasting the
longest unarmed border in the world. Canada is
a larger market for US
goods than all fifteen members of the European
Union combined; the two
nations have the largest trading relationship
between any two nations in
the world. This two-way trade of goods and services
across the border
amounts to nearly one billion US dollars each
day.37 Officials from both
countries would be wise to remember the words
of President Kennedy in
his 17 May 1961 address to Parliament in Ottawa:
"Geography has
made us neighbors. History has made us friends.
Economics has made us
partners. And necessity has made us allies. Those
whom nature hath so
joined together, let no man put asunder."38 Maintaining
a larger picture of
Canada's relationship with the United States
will be essential to resolving
the Pacific salmon issue.
Prospects for a Settlement
Both sides of the salmon war believe an agreement
can be reached
before the 1998 fishing season. The resolution
of the Pacific salmon issue
has become a top priority for the highest levels
of Canadian and
American government. Both sides have hired a
prominent citizen to help
reinvigorate the stakeholder negotiating process
on the Pacific Salmon
Treaty. Dr. David Strangeway, President and Vice
Chancellor of the
University of British Columbia will report to
the prime minister and
minister of foreign affairs. William Ruckelhaus,
former head of the US
Environmental Protection Agency and now a Seattle-based
businessman,
will report to the president and secretary of
state.38 Everyone is placing
their hopes on the fishermen themselves.
Stakeholder talks will be most effective if the
representative fishermen are
allowed to negotiate without the distraction
of counter-productive
political rhetoric. Irrational rabble-rousing
comments from the likes of
Premier Clark and Senator Murkowski, along with
incidents of
flag-burning, have led the press to write off
these protests as
"long-dormant nationalism." The fishermen of
this region divide
themselves along many lines, but the distinction
of nationality has never
been the most important. If British Columbian
fishermen have displayed
nationalist tendencies recently, it is a new
development and the result of
politicians' speeches. To finally have a working
treaty, the stakeholders
on both sides must concentrate on solving the
problem incrementally,
concentrating on one sub-region at a time.
Casual onlookers often suggest that the way to
solve this problem is to
confine the fishing grounds to the mouths of
rivers. Canadians would fish
just off-shore from Canadian rivers, while Americans
cast their nets at the
openings of American rivers. However, it is important
to remember that
these rivers do not flow into the open ocean
but into a complicated
system of islands and straits. The implementation
of this suggestion might
lead to a cramped derby-style fishery that would
be difficult to manage in
a way that would prevent obliteration of returning
runs. In light of the
disastrous state of the Atlantic fishery and
some unexpectedly small runs
in the Pacific fishery, the US and Canada should
be even more
concerned about conserving Pacific salmon stocks.
Until a better system
of predicting returns and calculating sustainable
yield can be found, all
parties should err more decisively on the side
of caution. Diminished
quotas would undoubtedly put a financial burden
on the fishermen and
processors, but this could be alleviated if the
industry were given a
long-needed overhaul. A shift to value-added
processing, away from
canned salmon and toward higher quality products
could yield substantial
profits with fewer fish caught. It is more likely,
though, that the
family-owned fishing boats will go the way of
small farms in the United
States. The combination of farmed-salmon's rising
success on the market,
the increasing presence of large foreign-owned
corporations, and the
dropping value of canned salmon may eventually
put an end to
independent skippers in the Pacific Northwest.
It is clear that both Canadian and American Pacific
salmon fishermen will
have to adapt to new circumstances. If their
lifestyle is to survive, they
must begin with unity and cooperation, namely,
a viable Pacific Salmon
Treaty. Many will nervously await the outcome
of the negotiations as
stakeholders sit down together in one more attempt
to reach a lasting
agreement on the region's most valuable resource.
Notes:
1 Robert Matas, "Alaska ups the ante over salmon,"
The Globe and
Mail, July 29, 1997.
2 Bob King, Press Secretary, Governor Tony Knowles'
office, interview,
October 14, 1997.
3 David Benton, Deputy Salmon Commissioner, "Alaska
is not targeting
Canadian salmon," Alaska Department of Fish and
Game.
4 King.
5 Department of Foreign Affairs and International
Trade, "Canada calls
for binding dispute settlement following US rejection
of final offer," June
26, 1997, No. 108.
6 Ross Howard, "Ottawa rebuts fish-war claims,"
The Globe and Mail,
October 22, 1997.
7 Mary Beth West, Deputy Assistant Undersecretary
to the House of
Representatives Fisheries Subcommittee, United
States Information
Service, <http://www.usis-canada.usia.gov/>,
File ID: 97091907.ECO.
Title: 19-09-97, Text: State Department Official
on Pacific Salmon
Dispute, September 1997.
8 Department of Foreign Affairs and International
Trade, "Canada and
US to resume salmon talks," May 23, 1997, No.
95.
9 Timothy Egan, "Salmon war in Northwest spurs
wish for good fences,"
The New York Times, September 12, 1997.
10 Carey Goldberg, The New York Times, <http://www.nytimes.com>,
June 5, 1997.
11 Ross Howard, "B.C. Fishermen vow another raid,"
The Globe and
Mail, August 27, 1997.
12 Ross Howard, "B.C. sues US for overfishing,"
The Globe and Mail,
September 9, 1997.
13 Anthony de Palma, The New York Times,
<http://www.nytimes.com>, July 22, 1997.
14 Ibid.
15 King.
16 John Cummins, member of Parliament, interview, October 7, 1997.
17 Matas.
18 King.
19 Cummins.
20 Matas.
21 Egan.
22 Ross Howard, "Clinton letter heats up fish
war," The Globe and Mail,
September 17, 1997.
23 Matas.
24 Cummins.
25 Edward Greenspan, "Clark's fish war lures few
recruits," The Globe
and Mail, August 12, 1997.
26 Cummins.
27 Miro Cernetig, "Salmon treaty member quits,"
The Globe and Mail,
September 11, 1997.
28 The Globe and Mail, <http://www.TheGlobeAndMail.com>,
October 3, 1997.
29 Howard.
30 Egan.
31 Howard.
32 Ibid.
33 Remarks by LaFalce (D-NY) on H.R. 2481, "1996
immigration
reform bill needs correction," C.R. page 1765,
September 16, 1997.
34 Andrew Cohen, "Leahy: a capital conscience,"
The Globe and Mail,
September 29, 1997.
35 Barrie MacKenna, "US steps up pressure in agricultural
trade
skirmishes," The Globe and Mail, October 2, 1997.
36 Paul Knox, "Mine pact Canada's triumph," The
Globe and Mail,
September 18, 1997.
37 The US Embassy, Ottawa, United States Information
Service,
<http://www.usis-canada.usia.gov/>
38 President John F. Kennedy's address before
Parliament, May 17,
1961.
39 Department of Foreign Affairs and International
Trade, "Canada-US
Pacific salmon representatives to begin work
immediately," July 25,
1997, No. 122.