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Issue 1: Europe
Anti-Semitism in France
posted on the web on April 21 2003
| Country Data |
Full Name: Republic of France Capital: Paris Population: 59,765,983 (2002 est.) Location: Europe Total area: 547,030 sq km Language: French Ethnic groups: French 93% Religions: Roman Catholic 85%, Protestant 2%, Muslim 5-10%, Jewish 1% Currency: Euro IGO memberships: G-8, EU, NATO, UN, UNSC, WHO, WTO Internet site: Ministry of Foreign Affairs Source: CIA World Factbook |
Following the bitter debate over the war in Iraq and the subsequent deadlock in the Security Council, it seems that relations between France and the United States have reached their lowest point in recent memory. While political and economic issues may be resolved through political channels, the claim that anti-Semitism is running rampant in France threatens to further damage the relations between the American and French people.
The level of concern among American Jews has reached extraordinary levels. As a show of support, Jews around the world have organized action to show solidarity for their French brethren. Websites such as www.boycottfrance.com have advocated a complete boycott of all French products to support French Jews and the Simon Weisenthal Center issued a travel advisory to warn Jews who go to France of possible danger. A number of chain emails are circulating that urge Americans to boycott France, including one from "Senator Joe Leiberman" (Senator Leiberman did not actually send this email, according to www.truthorfiction.com ). A petition on the Internet goes so far as to suggest that France is preparing for another holocaust. Although these possibilities are deeply disturbing, they cannot be taken at face value, since the issue is more complex than it appears at initial inspection. Rather than urging a complete boycott on French products, it would better serve both countries to first understand the context of the issue before making assertions about the French people.
France's history of anti-Semitism is very well known. The Dreyfus affair, in which a Jewish officer in the French army was convicted of a crime he did not commit, permanently mars French history. During World War II, under the collaborationist Vichy government, 75,000 Jews were deported to Nazi concentration camps. After the war, the French government's policy has not been in support of Israel. With this modern history, it seems reasonable to worry at the first signs of renewed anti-Semitism in France.
The current wave of anti-Semitic attacks began in 2000. Anti-Semitic incidents are all criminal acts, committed against person or property, with a motive that can be linked to anti-Jewish sentiment. The exact statistics are difficult to compile because of the number of unreported incidences and the difficulty in classifying them. Nonetheless, one can easily recognize the rising number of anti-Semitic incidences over the past three years. Immediately following the start of the latest intifada in the Middle East in October 2000, anti-Semitic attacks rose dramatically. From that point to the end of 2001, 350 attacks occurred, as reported by a Jewish organization. This trend peaked in April 2002, during which nearly 360 incidents, or almost 12 incidents per day, took place, of which 63% involved graffiti. That month coincided with the Israeli excursion into the West Bank and a particularly bad moment in the Middle East. Since that time the number of attacks has been declining, yet remaining higher than before the conflict in the Middle East began. Nonetheless, in 2002, Jewish emigration from France reached over 2,500 people per year, its highest point since 1972.
In addition to considering the statistics, one must consider the response of the French authorities. With the beginning of this disturbing trend in the autumn of 2000, the French government showed a great deal of complacency and reluctance to act. At first, it was unwilling to classify anti-Semitic acts as hate motivated crimes, insisting rather that they were general criminal acts. However, with the increasing pressure both from inside and outside of France, the government's policy seems to have improved marginally since the anti-Semitic violence peaked in mid-2002. In July 2002, Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffrin acknowledged the incidents and strongly condemned them, marking a significant change in his views from only six months earlier. The issue seems to be simmering down, but with the start of the war in Iraq, many fear that the attacks may begin again.
With this recent history, it seems worthwhile to examine the extent to which anti-Semitism exists in French culture. Before one can do so fairly, a number of other issues must be properly considered. The most obvious of these is the bias of the media in reporting on this issue. The American media, including newspapers and Internet sites, has been grossly irresponsible and sensationalist in reporting this particular issue. Rather than reporting and comparing historical statistics and crime rates, the media describes specific incidences, which although frightening, cannot be used to reach a reasonable decision on the level of anti-Semitism. Just as one should not assume from watching the television show "Unsolved Mysteries" that all American criminals escape with impunity, one cannot assume that because The New York Times reports a Jewish family has had a bad experience, France is therefore unsafe for Jews. Instead, the media should work harder to paint a complete picture, comparing historical statistics and explaining the context.
The American media's reporting on French politics on this issue is equally selective. The media reported when President Chirac denied any problem with anti-Semitism, but failed to report when Prime Minister Raffrin fiercely condemned it. Nor does the American media report the mixed feelings among Jewish organizations within France regarding the government's policies. Although some Jewish organizations, such as the Simon Weisenthal Center, report a rise in anti-Semitism, Rabbi Joseph Sitruk, the Chief Rabbi of France, issued statements offering an alternative perspective. The French Jews whom I interviewed on the Princeton campus expressed similar mixed feelings and resentment towards the media's oversimplification of this issue. This sort of irresponsible reporting along with the traditional misunderstanding between French and American people leads many Americans to reduce this extraordinarily complex issue to an underlying evil in French society.
Similarly, many who believe that France is anti-Semitic support their arguments largely on historic grounds. They claim that from the time of the crusades through World War II, the French have always been anti-Semitic. Guilt from the Holocaust kept the feelings in check, but now they are running rampant again. This view is grossly distorted and highly offensive to the French. Traditional European anti-Semitism was born with the age of nationalism after the French Revolution, as each nation sought its own unique identity, which did not include the Jews. Jews were viewed as outsider, which made them easy scapegoats for the majority of the French people. However, the recent trend does not suggest that this is the nature of the attacks. The vast majority of these attacks on Jews are perpetrated by poorly integrated, unemployed youths who are children of North African immigrants. These immigrants are themselves a minority and viewed as outsiders by the majority of the French. European society has progressed so much since the end of World War II that to draw a direct parallel between the Vichy government and modern day France is overly simplistic.
A final comment that is often lost in the anti-French media blitz is that France is an advanced, modern democracy, with safeguards to protect individuals similar to those in the United States. All too often, those who urge people to boycott France portray it as a lawless anarchy. Although France has been scarred by past anti-Semitism, it has, since the end of World War II, returned to the noble tradition of "the Rights of Man," passed by the French National Assembly in 1789. These guarantee such fundamental rights as liberty, equality, property, and so on. In modern day France, legislation has been implemented to provide protection of minorities against the oppression of the majority. These laws make it highly unlikely that the level of anti-Semitism seen before 1945 will ever return to France.
Bearing the above issues in mind, it is clear that anti-Semitism has not left France. The complacency within the French government in addressing this issue must be seen as irresponsible. However, this issue is complex and an attempt to link it to a single cause is overly simplistic. The current trend can better be understood as a part of the larger issues of xenophobia and anti-Zionism.
France is a country struggling to find its identity. Unlike the United States, which has a long history of accepting refugees from around the world, France has never had to deal with a large number of immigrants, allowing for a more closed definition for its national identity. With the influx of immigrants over the past forty years - mainly from Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia - France has reached an identity crisis. Of its population of around 60 million people, France now has over 650 thousand Jews and about 5 million Muslims, both populations representing the largest of their type in Europe. The first- and second-generation immigrant population represents the poorest section of society, suffering high unemployment and performing menial jobs. Although some of them may be French citizens, they are still considered outsiders by many and suffer discrimination. Just as anti-Semitic criminal acts have been increasing in the past few years, so too have anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant acts. Many experts go so far as to compare the positions of immigrants in French society to the position of the pre-war Jews.
The success of the extreme right-wing, anti-Muslim, xenophobic candidate Jean-Marie Le Pen in the last presidential election indicates the anti-immigrant sentiment that is sweeping through France. Following the general outcry over election results, Chirac attacked anti-Muslim ideals. This may explain why he has shown reluctance to take any actions that may be hurt the position of the Muslim immigrants in society. The government has refrained from taking measures to harshly punish the immigrants responsible for anti-Semitic attacks for fear of worsening the condition of all North Africans in France. It seems that the Jews are easy scapegoats for frustrated and poor Muslims in France, and for now the French government is politically bound to remain tolerant towards larger minority. Although these are unfortunate politics, it does not reflect an inherent form of anti-Semitism in French society. Nor does this suggest that the French government will look on with tolerance if these attacks continue. Instead, it suggests that France will need to address the heterogeneity of the twenty-first century. From understanding the political context, one realizes that the issue is much more complex than the "Boycott France" position may suggest.
Another issue that is integrally tied with anti-Semitism is anti-Zionism. It is well known that France has been a strong supporter of Palestine and many high government officials have made negative comments about the state of Israel. But to what extent can an anti-Israel position be interpreted as anti-Semitic? While it is not socially acceptable to make overtly anti-Semitic comments, one may criticize the political entity of Israel. Thus, old anti-Semitic feelings may be manifested in anti-Israel statements. However, it is premature to say that all well-founded criticisms of Israel are based purely on a dislike of Jewish people. Many French view the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands as a parallel to French colonization in Algeria. This perception, along with the large Muslim population, causes French policy to support the Palestinian cause.
The close correlation with the Palestinian-Israeli violence suggests that anti-Semitic violence in France is at least partly attributable to instability in the Middle East. Although they probably do not understand the details of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, poorly integrated immigrants in France can probably relate to the Palestinian feeling of frustration. The Muslim immigrants feel strong resentment towards French society and lash out against the easiest scapegoats, the Jews who are seen as representing Israel. Many hope that when the violence subsides in the Middle East, so will the anti-Semitic acts in France.
Having examined the issues of anti-Semitism and xenophobia in France, it is clear that they are truly complex and multi-faceted, and that France will undoubtedly have to address them in the years to come. The assumption made by many around the world that France is sliding back to anti-Semitism lacks a fundamental understanding of how French society has changed over the past half century. This assumption actually promotes intolerance against French people around the world. The actual situation in France may be compared to the United States' history of racial problems and the civil unrest of the 1950s and 60s. In both cases, there is a history of oppression, a marginalized minority, and violence that reflects a deeper ill in society. In America, the social turmoil produced an improved but not perfect society. Likewise, we can hope that France will soon address the problems of a newly heterogeneous society. It is the nature of a democratic society that there are tensions between the majority and the minority. Nonetheless, France is a developed, democratic nation, which has the institutions to address the issues of xenophobia and anti-Semitism. In this time of increasing uncertainty around the world, it would be sensible for those who call for a boycott of a Western democracy to reconsider their stance.
Pablo Kapusta is a student at Princeton University, USA.
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