Siobhan
Cleary
Siobhan Cleary
is a M.A. Candidate in International affairs at the Paul H. Nitze School
of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University.
Regional
organizations are not a new phenomenon for Africa any more than the rest
of the world.Within Africa, however,
they have usually been typified by failure.This
paper examines the viability of the Southern African Development Community
- a relatively new organization that seeks to break the depressing pattern
of previous regional organizations within Africa.However,
this paper argues that if it is to do so, it must moderate its objectives
and not attempt the full scale economic integration to which it is currently
committed.Rather, it should focus
on the more immediate and pressing issues within the region, namely inadequate
infrastructure and an absence of human resources.Once
these needs are met, the developmental and economic objectives of the region
become more realistic goals.
Introduction
At
the end of the twentieth century, southern Africa continues to be characterised
by low levels of development, regional instability and an increasingly
marginal role in the global economy.The
countries of the region are amongst the poorest in the world, with the
Mozambican GDP/capita at $92 per annum and infant mortality rates in Angola
at 170 deaths per 1,000 live births (UNCTAD 1995).There
is a growing realization within the region that something must be done
to change this situation and that the solution will have to be domestically
oriented.Following on the apparent
successes of other regional organizations such as the European Union, NAFTA,
and Mercosur, the countries in southern Africa have elected to form a regional
organization, namely the Southern African Development Community (SADC).
According
to the SADC founding document, the objectives of organization are the achievement
of "development and economic growth, alleviation of poverty, enhancement
of standard and quality of life for peoples of southern Africa and the
support of the socially disadvantaged through regional integration."In
1996 the SADC members resolved that the organization would aim to create
a free trade area within the region by the year 2004.
This
paper attempts to evaluate SADC's capacity to achieve its stated objectives
and argues that the goal of SADC should not be economic integration but
greater and more effective regional co-operation.It
begins by providing an overview of the historical origins of SADC and goes
on to examine the economic theory that advocates trade as a tool of development
and the prerequisites for the creation of a regional trading bloc. It then
proceeds to highlight the features of the region (both economic and physical)
that seem to make it unsuitable for the creation of a free trade area.The
paper then goes on to highlight current SADC projects and the role that
these should play in meeting the developmental objectives of the organization.
From
SADCC to SADC - A Historical Overview
The
Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) was the first
attempt by southern African states to deal with the economic and developmental
problems faced by the region.It
was founded by nine southern African states[1]
in 1980.The stated objectives of
the conference were the “rehabilitation of the region’s transport and communications
system, the securing of regional food self-sufficiency/food security and
the development of the enterprise sector (as quoted in Tsie 1994).” It
was hoped that by meeting these and other objectives, the countries of
the region would be able to decrease their economic dependence on South
Africa (whose apartheid government remained an anathema) and the rest of
the world.SADCC was to be the developmental
equivalent of the “front-line” states that sought to bring an end to apartheid
rule in South Africa through the imposition of political and economic pressure.In
addition, they represented an ambitious attempt by developing countries
to participate in worldwide economic growth.
Unfortunately,
they were unable to accomplish either objective.The
reality was that in terms of trade and employment, SADCC was more dependent
on South Africa than South Africa was on it.While
accurate figures for southern African trade are difficult to ascertain,
it is estimated that in 1981 African purchasers bought more than 10% of
South Africa's exports.In addition
to this, in 1984, four of the nine SADCC countries were still supplying
labor to South African mines (Maasdorp 1984). Furthermore, the SADCC countries
had actually experienced a decline in their economic well being.
By
the start of the 1990s, it seemed as if SADCC would join the ranks of other
failed African attempts at regional integration and development.It
faced accusations of bureaucratic ineptitude and lack of political commitment
by its member state leaders to principles of regionalism.Furthermore,
with the release of Nelson Mandela and the legalization of the African
National Congress (ANC) in South Africa it looked as if the days of apartheid
rule in South Africa were about to come to an end.As
the political justification for SADCC began to unravel, so did the financial
support of many international donor organizations and countries (Maasdorp
in Baker et al 1993). Lastly, a Preferential Trade Area for Eastern and
Southern African States (PTA) was established in 1983 that all SADCC members
(other than Botswana) joined.In
1991, in terms of the Ajuba Declaration, the stated goal of the PTA was
the creation of a common market encompassing the whole of Africa.It
seemed as if SADCC goals of regional integration would merely replicate
the efforts of the PTA.
It
was thus a surprise to observers when, in 1992, SADCC was not disbanded,
but reformed as the Southern African Development Community (SADC).SADC
membership currently stands at fourteen[2]
and stretches from the southern tip of Africa to Tanzania as well as including
the island states of Mauritius and the Seychelles.South
Africa, the former regional pariah, joined SADC in 1994.
Trade
as Engine or Handmaiden of Growth:
The
arguments in favor of trade
In
order to understand the SADC enthusiasm for the creation of a free trade
area within the region it is necessary to look more closely at the “promises”
made by trade theories. Advocates of free trade present it as an “engine
of growth” or as a means of achieving economic development.This
view is essentially an extension of the principles of traditional trade
theory and posits that by trading in the goods in which it has a comparative
advantage, a country will gain access to intermediate goods and resources
with which it is not endowed.Trade
will enable countries to import useful technologies that allow for more
efficient use of resources - possibly freeing resources for use in other
areas.
By
selling their goods on international markets developing countries will
be able to acquire much needed foreign exchange that they could utilize
productively within the country.In
addition, trade ensures that sectors within a country remain competitive
and that resources are allocated to those areas where they can be used
most effectively - Adam Smith’s “invisible hand” on a global scale.While
these “gains from trade” will not benefit the entire community equally
(owners of the export competing resource will benefit more than owners
of the import competing resource) arguably, the “winners” could compensate
the “losers," producing an end result that is both equitable and efficient.
However,
for many developing countries, especially those in sub-Saharan Africa,
merely participating in world trade has not produced the desired developmental
result (Dornbusch 1992). Most of the countries in the region are exporters
of primary products such as minerals and agricultural goods.[3]Both
of these tend to have relatively low elasticities of price and demand.On
the other hand, goods that are capital and skilled-labor intensive (goods
that tend to be exported by the developed world) usually have higher elasticities.The
consequence of this is that these countries have found themselves earning
the same or less from their exports than they have in the past, but having
to pay more for their imports.This
decline in their terms of trade meant that they have had to borrow foreign
exchange in order to pay for their imports.The
demand for primary products is declining even further in response to the
development of synthetic substitutes and technology that allows for more
efficient use of these commodities.Due
to low price elasticities, these shifts in demand result in fairly steep
shifts in the prices that those goods can command.
Traditional
trade theory has been greatly revised, however, and the new models attempt
to incorporate many of the realities that were wished away by previous
theories (such as unemployment, imperfect competition and increasing returns
to scale). These revised models (Stewart 1982) look at the impact of economies
of scale, the effect of “learning-by-doing”, product development and trade
between countries with similar consumer preferences and the development
and export of technological innovation.They
suggest that, on the whole, North-South trade offers few benefits to developing
countries.However, trade between
LDCs could offer distinct benefits such as increased consumption opportunities
for LDC consumers and gains flowing from specialization, division of labor
as well as increased efficiency and decreased costs of production due to
economies of scale and exposure to greater competition.Intra-LDC
trade may also encourage the development of LDC-appropriate technology
as well as the production of goods more suited to LDC consumption patterns.[4]
Regional
integration as a means of stimulating intra-LDC trade:
One
of the ways that countries wishing to trade with specific other countries
could achieve this objective is through the pursuit of regional economic
integration.There are various “degrees”
of integration, the loosest of which is the creation of a free trade area
where members retain their own trade barriers against the outside world,
but remove internal trade barriers.This
is the economic policy favored by the SADC countries, with the potential
for deeper integration at a later date (Protocol on Trade in SADC 1996)
The next step would be the establishment of a customs union where members
adopt a common trade barrier against the outside world.In
a common market barriers to the free movement of factors of production
are also removed.At the deepest
level of integration (economic union), members harmonize all economic policies.
The
decision on whether or not to attempt some form of regional integration
is usually made with regard to the question of whether this integration
would have the effect of “creating trade” or of “diverting” it.An
economic arrangement is said to be trade creating when it causes a shift
in imports from a higher cost producer outside the region to a lower cost
producer inside the region.Trade
creation also occurs when a higher cost producer substitutes domestic production
for imports from a lower cost producer within the region.Trade
diversion, however, occurs when there is a shift in imports from a lower
cost producer outside the region to a higher cost producer within the region
(due to the removal of internal barriers, but the maintenance of external
barriers) (Viner 1961). Economic integration is regarded as desirable (i.e.
a movement towards free trade rather than a form of regional protectionism)
only if trade creation outweighs trade diversion.Trade
diversion is less likely to occur if there was a fairly high level of trade
between the member countries before integration.
The
Factors Arguing Against Regional Economic Integration
Physical
factors
Many
of the SADC members face serious internal, structural problems that have
contributed to their depressing performance in the past decades.Two
of its members, Angola[5]
and Mozambique have been embroiled in devastating civil wars that have
virtually destroyed their productive and agricultural capacities.The
Democratic Republic of Congo seems determined to follow their example.War
has left the countryside in these areas heavily landmined, making movement
of persons and vehicles very dangerous.In
addition, the presence of landmines has hampered the return of rural inhabitants
to the fields with the result that Angola; a former exporter of agricultural
goods has to import food in order to feed its inhabitants.
The
economies in the region tend to be government planned - often typified
by confused and inconsistent policies.The
uncertain economic climate has discouraged risk-averse foreign investors,
depriving the region of much-needed foreign capital and exchange.Further,
the physical infrastructure of the region is poor with a limited number
of paved roads, working railroads and communications systems.Transportation
of goods and labor is consequently a major undertaking.Financial
and banking systems are limited, labor tends to be unskilled and entrepreneurial
skills are low. Other problems in the region which will have to be addressed
include low labor productivity, the increasing incidence of AIDS which
may impact on the availability of skills in the area and high costs of
factors of production (such as electricity) in some countries.The
effect of these is to increase production costs and thereby make regional
products uncompetitive compared to the rest of the world.A
further criticism that has been leveled against almost all regional arrangements
in Africa is the lack of political commitment to the organizations by individual
country leaders.This includes a
failure to implement policies domestically and allowing practical application
of policies to be caught up in bureaucratic red tape (Maasdorp 1993).
These
factors are a serious impediment to the development of competitive and
productive sectors within the countries concerned.The
creation of a free trade area before these fundamentals have been resolved
will permit the development of inefficient producers that may flourish
behind protective barriers but be unable to withstand global competition.
Economic
factors
In
addition, the region does not meet the commonly accepted prerequisites
for economic integration.It appears
as if economic integration would be largely trade diverting rather than
trade creating.The majority of the
countries in the region (with the exception of South Africa and Zimbabwe)
tend to be primary product exporters.Depending
on the specific country’s resource endowment, this takes the form of either
agricultural exports or exports of minerals and raw materials.Furthermore,
as could be expected when dealing with essentially competitive sectors,
available figures suggest that intra-regional trade has been very limited.
Of the intra-SADC trade that exists, nearly 96% of it is composed of exports
from South Africa and Zimbabwe to the rest of the SADC countries.These
exports are predominantly manufactured goods.The
balance of South Africa’s trade with the region is also highly unequal
with South Africa (in 1990) importing only 4.5 percent of her imports from
the region but exporting 18.5 percent of its exports (Maasdorp 1993). As
at 1997, SADC was South Africa’s largest export market (Davies 1997).
Those
who favor economic integration have argued that, although official trade
statistics suggest that intra-SADC trade is negligible, it is possible
(indeed, even likely) that these figures underestimate the actual levels
of trade between the countries and ignore the potential for trade.
Intra-SADC
trade:
During
the apartheid years, very few countries would admit to engaging in trade
with South Africa.It has been estimated
that official trade statistics during that period between South Africa
and the other SADC members underestimates actual trade by 50-80 percent
(United Nations Economic Commission for Africa 1994/5). Further, it is
believed that unofficial trade occurs at present across several of the
borders in the area, for example, across Angolan borders with Namibia,
Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo as well as with South Africa.The
types of goods traded range from basic foodstuffs to electrical goods to
illegal goods such as drugs and stolen cars.
Another
factor that these statistics apparently ignore is the potential
for trade in the area.It is argued
that while many of the regional sectors are competitive rather than complementary
(i.e. they tend to produce the same things), this does not mean that the
potential for the development of complementary sectors does not exist.Many
goods (such as building materials) are manufactured by countries in the
region, but still tend to be imported from the north.If
given greater market access (it is argued) these types of industries may
become competitive. The agricultural sector is also cited as an area in
which it may be possible to exploit intra-industry trade in differentiated
products.Certain countries could
reduce their agricultural sectors and concentrate on other sectors of production.Increased
intra-regional trade in food could also have the positive effect of reducing
“annual variability” of food supplies in the region (Koester as quoted
in Weeks 1996).
The
reason for the emphasis on “potential” trade is that there are currently
so many barriers to intra-regional trade that it is admittedly difficult
to predict with any accuracy the real reasons for the low trade prevalence.All
trade in the area[6]
is subject to tariffs as well as import quotas and import licensing regulations.
Furthermore, the political history of the sub-continent has also played
a role in preventing trade.Despite
the fact that trade with South Africa continued through the era of trade
sanctions, levels of trade with South Africa during this time were significantly
reduced.The political strife in
both Angola and Mozambique had spillover effects into the rest of the region
and placed strain on intra-regional relations.Trade
patterns in the region were shaped by the colonial experience of the region
as many of the former colonies continue to trade extensively with their
former colonial rulers.
The
aforementioned points do not, however, strengthen the argument in favor
of the creation of a free trade area.First,
while the figures for the apartheid era have almost certainly underestimated
the actual level of trade during that period, more recent statistics still
show very low levels of trade between the SADC countries.Second,
while the potential for greater trade may exist, this potential will be
realized through a liberalization of trade and economic policy by the countries
in the region and is not dependent on the creation of a free trade area.
The
impact of South Africa’s participation in the region
A
further argument against the establishment of a free trade area is the
fact that South Africa would be a member of such an arrangement.Some
countries within SADC (most notably, Zimbabwe) have already expressed concern
about South African assimilation into a regional economic arrangement.Even
with existing trade barriers in the area, South African goods tend to dominate
the market.Zimbabwe, as the only
other significant producer and supplier of manufactured goods in the area,
is concerned about the impact of South African goods on their market.However,
despite the size of South Africa relative to its neighbors, it is not a
particularly efficient producer.The
import substitution policies implemented during the apartheid years have
created all the inefficiencies that economists warn about including low
levels of productivity, existence of oligopolies (four South African companies
control 76.5% of the Johannesburg stock exchange) and high cost, low quality
products (The Economist 1995). If not properly managed, economic integration
could amount to little more than subsidization of inefficient South African
industries at the expense of all consumers in the area - many of whom can
little afford it (Prakash-Sethi in Baker et al. 1993).
Another
concern that is common in regional integration schemes is that of polarization.One
of the goals of regional integration is often to attract foreign investment
into the area.However, if one country
is much more developed and stable than its neighbors investment tends to
be concentrated in that country to the exclusion of the rest of the region.South
Africa will be the obvious target for such investment and there are no
guarantees that it will share its good fortune with the rest of the region.If
development in other countries in the region is not encouraged, there may
be no incentive for this investment to travel north of South Africa’s borders.South
Africa might not be prepared (or able) to make the sacrifices required
of it in order to foster growth in its neighbors.
The
solution, however, is not to exclude South Africa from SADC and pursue
integration without it.South Africa
is the economic powerhouse of Southern Africa and could provide essential
growth impetus in the region.Its
mines and industries employ many migrant laborers from the region and their
remittances are a valuable source of income for some countries.In
Lesotho for example, remittances extend domestic income by 45 percent (SADC
website). Many of its well-established financial and manufacturing institutions
are establishing branches throughout the region providing jobs and potential
skills to those employees.The landlocked
SADC countries extensively utilize South African roads and railways and
the co-ordination of cross-border transport structures could produce important
benefits for regional producers (Maasdorp in Baker et al. 1993).
Arguments
against integration - Conclusion
Unless
trade between the SADC countries increases within the next five years,
they should not seek to deepen the level of economic integration within
the region.The reasons are twofold.
First, is a general distrust of the notion of export-driven growth.The
“experts” themselves are not convinced that high growth rates in the west
were necessarily linked to export-oriented policies or that this experience
could be duplicated in developing countries.While
trade is certainly an important element of any growth program, it cannot
be the only element - especially in a region that is typified by structural
inadequacies.Any growth benefits
that trade has to offer will be one-off gains unless they can be effectively
harnessed by the economy as a whole.
The
second reason for “integration pessimism” relates to the specific features
of the region.At the moment, even
allowing for the existence of externalities and economies of scale, the
region lacks the equality and necessary complementarity to make integration
a beneficial goal.The creation of
a regional market before this changes would vastly favor South Africa and
would serve to entrench the already unproductive sectors in South Africa’s
economy.While this might not be
an unpleasant scenario for South African producers, the hostility this
would generate in other member countries may damage an effective co-operative
relationship.Many of the gains
from trade that Stewart argued could derive from South-South trade, such
as development of appropriate technology, can be generated through SADC
programs and strategies that specifically target them.This
is not to suggest, however, that the intra-regional trade will not increase
in the near future, but this should be due to the development of comparative
advantage by regional producers, rather than through trade diversion.
The
Future of SADC:
What role for South Africa?
South
Africa must be a meaningful participant in SADC in order for it to meet
its potential.However, the depth
of South Africa’s commitment to SADC is uncertain.
Publicly
at least, South Africa has indicated a desire to link its future with that
of its neighbors.Nelson Mandela
currently chairs the SADC and South African government officials regularly
make comments like “South Africa cannot be a island of wealth in a sea
of poverty”.However, even though
South African GDP is more than the combined GDP of the SADC members, it
is not certain how large a role South Africa can (or will be allowed to)
play within the region.Most observers
agree that South Africa has a potentially bright future, but this future
will be hard-earned.
Unemployment
currently stands at between 30 to 35 percent (South African Central Statistical
Services 1996-census report) and attempts to reduce these levels have been
largely unsuccessful.South African
GNP/capita is approximately $2,500 but this figure hides the vastly unequal
distribution of this income.The
1995 Gini coefficient for South Africa was 0.59.[7]
The wealthiest 20 percent of South African households hold 65 percent of
all household income whereas the poorest 20 percent hold only 3 percent
(South African C.S.S. Income Report 1997). While urban inequality overall
has decreased from 0.63 in 1990 to 0.55 in 1995, the levels of inequality
among so-called African, colored and Indian households has increased (C.S.S.
ibid.).[8]Other
serious problems that the new government must tackle include controlling
escalating violent crime that seriously inhibit investment and tourism
in the area, as well as government corruption.Closer
ties with the region would increase labor migration into South Africa.Trade
unions within South Africa have already indicated their opposition to this
encroachment on their domain (The Economist 1995).
For
the democratically elected government of South Africa, its own developmental
concerns will take precedence over those of its neighbors.But
it may be possible to convince South Africa that the goals of national
and regional development are not necessarily mutually exclusive.Some
have argued that the situation in Southern Africa is not one of regional
dependence on South Africa, but one of regional interdependence.Advocates
of integration point to the instability (both economic and political) that
has characterized the region for several decades.While
South Africa may be able to isolate itself from this instability, destruction
of markets, influx of refugees and destabilization of transport routes
could nonetheless hamper its own growth.South
Africa needs a stable regional environment in which to develop.
Linked
to this is the fact that the SADC region is a large market for South African
exports.Increased links with the
area may provide increased trade and investment opportunities.South
Africa’s dependence on the region also extends to meeting its energy and
water needs, for which South Africa will increasingly have to rely on its
neighbors.Last, many foreign investors
and donors have indicated that their support to South Africa is largely
dependent on its willingness to play a constructive role in the region
as a whole.The World Bank stated
after a meeting in South Africa in 1996 that its future approach to sub-Saharan
Africa would tend to focus on the region rather than on individual countries
(Weekly Mail and Guardian 1996).
Regional
Cooperation
If
one accepts that the goal of SADC should not be economic integration, what
should the focus of SADC be?To a
certain degree, the answer is remarkably simple: it should proceed with
the projects with which it is currently involved.At
present, the emphasis of SADC projects is on regional co-operation.Each
member is assigned a sector for which it carries co-ordination responsibility.On
the whole, the allocation tends to be linked to the area of expertise of
the member country.Thus, for example,
South Africa is in charge of finance and investment whereas Namibia co-ordinates
marine fisheries and resources.Projects
in which SADC is currently engaged include the “Regional Food Security
and Nutrition Information System” which is being coordinated through Zimbabwe.
Other
areas of co-operation are the “development corridors” that are being established
throughout the region.The Maputo
corridor is just one example.Very
briefly, this “corridor” project capitalizes on an existing link between
South Africa and Mozambique that was interrupted due to the civil war in
the latter.The stated goals of the
project are: the enhancement and rehabilitation of the transport infrastructure
through a public-private partnership; the maximization of investment in
the corridor area to ensure that growth and development that arises is
maintained; the maximization of social development and the development
of policies to ensure the environmental sustainability of the project (South
African Department of Trade and Industry 1996). The project appears to
have solid economic grounding and has attracted a great deal of attention
from both regional and foreign private investors.
Projects
aimed at the harmonization of standards and quality control throughout
the region, the development of a regional environmental framework, regional
energy supply schemes, co-ordination of mining and financial policies are
just a few examples of the type of work with which SADC is currently engaged.
Policy
recommendations
In
order to harness the potential of the region and to meet the stated developmental
and economic objectives of SADC, both the organization and national governments
should seek to achieve the following:
·The
implementation of projects aimed specifically at the improvement of skills
within the region.
·The
careful planning of and investment in the improvement of physical infrastructure
within the region, such as transport and communication routes.
·The
development of projects that span national borders to encourage cross-border
investment.
·A
greater emphasis on government accountability and policies aimed at reduction
of corruption and inefficiency within countries.
Conclusion
“In
a period defined by growing interdependence of nations and the emergence
of regional blocs in a global economy, no nation of Southern Africa can
prosper in isolation from its neighbors.If
we are to restructure our economies successfully as a basis for sustained
growth and make effective responses to the changes on the world economy,
then we need a regional framework for balanced development and a collective
voice that can be heard in the economic forums of the world.”
-
Nelson Mandela, 6 May 1997-
SADC
has the potential to play this role for southern Africa, as long as the
correct approach is adopted.The
policies of the SADC countries should be geared towards the stabilization
and development of the region.This
should be done through a continuation (and ideally, extension) of current
policies. Some of these programs will have greater impact and success if
coordinated at a regional level (namely programs dealing with issues of
food and water scarcity, as well as energy provision). Others will be more
successful if developed and implemented at a national level.Finally,
the organization must be careful not to allow its policies to be hamstrung
by political inertia or ineptitude of member countries.If
this means reducing the number of members within the grouping, then this
should be done.
The
ideal of a regional economy should not be abandoned, but should be pursued
when conditions are more favorable than they are at present.Until
that time, SADC may be able to help give the countries within southern
Africa the global voice that they lack individually and as such, allow
them to better pursue their common developmental objectives.
1
These were Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Malawi, Swaziland, Tanzania,
Zimbabwe and Zambia.
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