*The Princeton
Mathematics Community in the 1930s
Transcript Number 32 (PMC32)
© The Trustees of Princeton University, 1985*

**MATHEMATICAL JOURNALS AND COMMUNICATION**

*This is the fourth in a series interviews with Albert Tucker in his
office in Princeton University. The interviewer is William Aspray. The
date is the 13 April 1984.*

**Aspray:** I'll let you begin where you'd like.

**Tucker:** The outstanding Princeton publication as far as
mathematics is concerned is the *Annals of Mathematics*. Certainly
one of the leading journals in mathematics for the whole world. Some
people will even say the leading journal.

**Aspray:** Are you speaking of today or in the 1930s?

**Tucker:** I'm speaking of today. We must point out that this year,
1984, is the hundredth anniversary of the *Annals of Mathematics*.
It was begun in 1884 by a professor at the University of Virginia, Ormond
Stone, who paid the expenses of the *Annals of Mathematics* for
the first ten years of its life.

**Aspray:** Was this one of the very first math journals in the
United States?

**Tucker:** The first mathematics journal in the United States was
the *American Journal of Mathematics* which is located at Johns
Hopkins.

**Aspray:** And always has been.

**Tucker:** Yes, so certainly in terms of seniority, there is no
doubt that the *American Journal of Mathematics* comes first in
American mathematics. *Annals of Mathematics*
was the second. As I say, it was founded by Ormond Stone at the University
of Virginia in 1884. In 1899, the direction of the journal was taken over
by Harvard University. Various of the mathematicians at Harvard, such as
Maxime Bocher and W.F. Osgood, served as editors. There were usually two
or three named at a time, and there was a certain rotation. But in 1911,
for some reason that I don't know, the journal was transferred from
Harvard to Princeton and has been published at Princeton by the Princeton
University Press since 1911. In 1933 when the Institute Institute for
Advanced Study was getting started, the School of Mathematics of the
Institute took joint responsibility with the University's department of
mathematics in editing the *Annals*.

**Aspray:** Has that continued?

**Tucker:** That has continued ever since, In the early days here at
Princeton I think it was [J.H.M.] Wedderburn who did most of the editing,
and then in the late 1920s [Einar] Hille and [Solomon] Lefschetz took over
the editing. Hille left in 1933, and von Neumann then replaced Hille in
team with Lefschetz. Then late in the 1930s, about 1938 I believe, H.F.
Bohnenblust, joined Lefschetz and von Neumann as the designated editors of
the *Annals*. As long as I've been around it's been understood
that the faculty in mathematics at the University, and then later also the
mathematicians at the Institute for Advanced Study, were all assistant
editors for the *Annals*.

In his period, Lefschetz was the dominant editor. Von Neumann was quite
happy to do only what he was asked to do. Bohnenblust served as informal
editor for several years before he was actually named as editor. The *Annals*
at first had four issues a year. I believe that the annual subscription to
the *Annals*, at the time that it was taken over by Princeton
University in 1911, was $2 a year.

**Aspray:** Can you tell me something about the circulation numbers?

**Tucker:** No, I can't, but I think that at that time when it was
$2 a year all of the established mathematicians of the country would have
automatically subscribed to the *Annals* and also to the *American
Journal*.

**Aspray:** I see.

**Tucker:** It was quite customary in those days for a mathematician
to have his own private library. Nowadays it has become rather too
expensive to do this. So now it's the library subscriptions that are the
mainstay of a journal such as the *Annals*. Until along about 1930
the *Annals* was mainly an American publication, that is, the
papers that came to it were mainly by American authors. But starting in
the Thirties, and especially later when it became a joint undertaking by
the University and the Institute, it received its papers from all over the
world.

**Aspray:** Was this a recognition, do you feel, by non-American
mathematicians, that the American mathematical community was becoming
worthy of their publishing in American journals?

**Tucker:** Oh, yes.** **Also at that time between the two world
wars, the European journals were having a hard time of it. By that I mean
they weren't able to publish many papers, and at some time in the Thirties
the *Annals* changed over from four issues a year to six issues a
year. There got to be two volumes a year, and one volume of three issues
was as large or larger than the previous annual volume of four. So when
there came the papers from all over the world this wasn't to exclude
American papers, because the *Annals* simply expanded its size to
include the papers from elsewhere while handling also the American papers.

**Aspray:** In the Thirties, how did the *Annals* compare
with other journals, both American and foreign? What were the major
journals of the Thirties for mathematicians?

**Tucker:** Well, of course in Germany *Mathematischen Annalen*
and *Zeitschrift*, particularly the *Annalen*, still
played an important role. You would find a large number of von Neumann's
early papers published in the *Annalen*. And then there were
various journals, the *Proceedings of the London Mathematical Society*,
the *Proceedings of the Cambridge Philosophical Society*, and
French journals. Of course the *Comptes Rendus* was always the
journal in which to try to get quick publication of a new result. Also the
*Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences* in this country
served a similar purpose. At that time, of course, there were really no
outstanding journals in other countries, such as the USSR or Japan. There
was in Sweden the *Acta Mathematica* that had been founded by
Mittag-Leffler. Of course, I was very close to things with the *Annals*,
indeed I served as an unnamed assistant-editor working with Lefschetz in
the 1930s, but it's my objective feeling that the *Annals*
represented an exciting new feeling and that with the development of
topology and various new fields the older journals, particularly the *Acta*,
tended to be pretty much in the traditional fields.

**Aspray:** I see. That was true of *Mathematichen Annalen*
also.

**Tucker:** Yes, although I think that it was less staid than the
*Acta*.

**Aspray:** What about the various publications of the American
Mathematical Society? How did they fit into this scheme?

**Tucker:** The *Transactions of the American Mathematical
Society* was a journal at the same level as *Annals*. But it's
my opinion that the *Transactions* has always suffered from the
fact that it was a committee job.

**Tucker:** That the refereeing was heavy handed and publication was
slow and *Transactions* was fussy. They wouldn't take a short
paper; anything under ten pages had to go to the *Bulletin* and
also they didn't want very long papers. The *Annals* would publish
a paper of two pages or a paper of one hundred pages. There was a much
freer attitude. Also in the time that Lefschetz was editor—this extended
from the late Twenties on into the Fifties, I think he was editor for
something like 28 years—he really ran the thing and would often invite a
paper. He would hear of some new result, and he would write and solicit
the paper and promise publication without refereeing.

Now the *Transactions* was run democratically, no favors,
everybody treated the same. The *Annals* was run with a great deal
of favoratism, and this would have been tragic if it hadn't been for the
tremendous perception of Lefschetz who seemed to sense when something was
a very good paper, scarcely without reading it. Some intuition told him, I
guess. He must have made some mistakes, though I can't cite any. Of
course, this also made a lot of enemies, because two people, say, would be
competing to get first publication in some new thing and the person who
published in the regular American Mathematical Society channels through
the *Transactions* got nipped by the guy who got it in with
Lefschetz.

There are many things that you can say against this autocratic system of Lefschetz. I used to fight against it when I was an assistant editor. I said that having a paper refereed was a service to the author as well as to the readers and that there were often things that a referee could catch that the author would very much appreciate having the opportunity to change before the thing was published. But Lefschetz just brushed this aside.

**Aspray:** You told me off tape several days ago that most of the
refereeing was done in house.

**Tucker:** That's right.

**Aspray:** When would a paper be sent out?

**Tucker:** Only when we couldn't get anybody to do it in house.

**Aspray:** So that meant that you could get rather rapid turnaround
on papers.

**Tucker:** Yes. And I would say that 95% of what was published did
not have any outside referees. And even outside referees were usually
friends, so to speak.

**Aspray:** I see.

**Tucker:** People that we could count on to act just as though they
were here.

**Aspray:** Speaking of rapid turnaround on referring of papers,
you've told me a story off tape of von Neumann's reviewing technique,
about his turning the pages. Could you?

**Tucker:** It was Herman Goldstine, I think, who told you that. I
didn't ever have direct information about that, but I can believe that it
was very true. I think also Wigner mentioned that von Neumann would
apparently read a paper that he wanted to know about just by turning the
pages. His brain worked with what seemed to be ten times the rapidity of
any other mathematician.

**Aspray:** Was most of the research of the Princeton community
published in the *Annals*?

**Tucker:** Yes, that's where my thesis was published and an earlier
paper before that I had written under the impetus of Eisenhart. Indeed in
that case what I thought I was doing was trying to convince Eisenhart of a
certain criticism that I had about a chapter in his book on Riemannian
geometry.

This was when I was taking the course from him in my first year here in
Princeton. I saw what I thought was a much better and more satisfying way
of doing something with regard to the Riemannian geometry of subspaces. So
I first of all suggested to him this, and then he asked me to write it out
for him. Then this was repeated two or three times. He would read each
draft that I gave him. Finally one day towards the end of my first year
here at Princeton, he said, "Well, Mr. Tucker, I would like to submit
this for publication in the *Annals of Mathematics*. And until he
said that, I had no idea that I was writing a paper. I was just trying to
make a point with him about material in the course that he had been
teaching. So he automatically thought something that could be published
should be published in the *Annals*. You sent it elsewhere only if
there was some reason for not sending it to *Annals*.

At times *Annals* got quite a backlog, so there were times when
you had a chance of faster publication elsewhere. But there just is no
doubt that *Annals of Mathematics* has been part of the Princeton
mathematical picture ever since it came here in 1911.

**Aspray:** At about what date did it come into this fairly
preeminent position?

**Tucker:** I would say about 1930. By say 1934, which is just fifty
years ago, halfway, it was established as a leading, if not the leading,
mathematics journal in the world. Of course, applied mathematicians would
say that *Annals of Mathematics* was a journal of pure mathematics
and that is probably correct. So *Annals* can be attacked on that
score.

**Aspray:** I assume it wasn't one of the leading journals for the
publication of statistics either.

**Tucker:** No, and now that brings up another point. That there
have been two other journals edited at Princeton but never thought of as
Princeton journals. *Annals*, that's Princeton. One of these
journals is the *Journal of Symbolic Logic* which was edited for a
long time by Alonzo Church.

**Aspray:** Started in what year?

**Tucker:** I can't tell you when the *Journal of Symbolic Logic*
started.

**Aspray:** I believe it was '34, but I'm not certain.

**Tucker:** I see. I would have thought it was somewhat earlier than
that. I don't know that Alonzo Church was ever named as the managing
editor of the journal, but for most purposes he was the managing editor.
This continued, as a matter of fact, for the *Journal of Symbolic
Logic* until Church retired and then had a career since then at UCLA.

**Aspray:** So it followed him to UCLA.

**Tucker:** He followed it. At that particular time I remember my
sorrow that the University refused to continue any longer the free space
that it was giving for the editing of the *Journal of Symbolic Logic*.
They wanted to charge rent for the space, not for Church's office, but for
the couple of assistants who were working on the journal. They were not
from Princeton University, and the University was expecting the
Association for Symbolic Logic to pay rent, so to speak, for that. It was
then that a group at UCLA thought that they would like to take on the
journal. They did this and provided a very good home free of charge to the
journal and the Association.

They also offered Church a visiting professorship until he would reach the retirement age at the University of California. Even after that he was to have a position with stipend as long as he wanted it. I believe he still has that, although he had his eightieth birthday last summer.

Church was, I feel, never properly appreciated by Princeton University.
This was very strange because Church was a Princeton undergraduate, so he
counted as a Princeton alumnus in the full sense. All his degrees were
from Princeton University, bachelor's degree, master's degree, doctor's
degree. But he was so aloof from everything except the *Journal of
Symbolic Logic*. The Dean of the Faculty told me on one occasion that
he often met Church crossing the campus, and he would speak to Church and
Church would not speak in reply. Things like this, very trivial,
nevertheless mitigated against his being given the credit which he merited
on scientific grounds.

**Aspray:** The other journal?

**Tucker:** The other journal was *Annals of Mathematical
Statistics* which was started in the late Thirties, very close to
1940. Sam Wilks undertook the editorship and I
think continued that editorship until the late Forties.

**Aspray:** Was there some effort to publish statistics prior to
this time in *Annals of Mathematics*? Was there a reluctance on
the part of the staff to do so?

**Tucker:** Well, *Annals of Mathematical Statistics* was
established as the journal of the Institute of Mathematical Statistics.

**Aspray:** I see.

**Tucker:** It was started because it seemed that the mathematical
qualities of the American Statistical Association, which had existed for
some time and which published a journal, had become rather low. So some
mathematicians such as [H.L.] Rietz, who was the professor at the
University of Iowa with whom Sam did his Ph.D.; and [H.C.] Carver, a
mathematical statistician at the University of Michigan, and [Harold]
Hotelling, decided to form an organization of their own with the emphasis
on mathematical statistics rather than run-of-the-mill statistics. And
having set up this Institute of Mathematical Statistics they very
naturally decided that they wanted to have a journal, which they called
*Annals of Mathematical Statistics*. The fact that it was called "*Annals*"
had nothing to do, as far as I know, with *Annals of Mathematics*
which was just a name which was often applied to a journal. Wilks did a
dandy job of editing that journal and making it a very worthwhile journal.

There were some other publications that arose in the 1930s. In 1933 when the School of Mathematics of the Institute for Advanced Study came to Fine Hall the professors, Weyl, von Neumann, Marston Morse, gave courses of lectures. They were in the habit of doing this in their previous positions, and although there was no requirement that a professor at the Institute for Advanced Study give courses, they did. The lectures were usually there in Fine Hall, in the central lecture room, attended by people who were at the Institute, the members, many of the them post-doctoral people, and by graduate students of the department of mathematics in the University. Indeed often there would be people that came in from neighboring places to follow a course of lectures.

Notes were taken, often by an assistant to the professor. He was given the job of taking notes of the lectures, writing them up, and having them edited by the professor. Then these would be mimeographed, and the people in the course could for, say, a dollar or two subscribe to the notes, which would be turned out in batches a week or two at a time. At the end, if someone wanted to, the accumulated notes could be brought in, and we could send them somewhere to have them bound. I think there was a charge of 25 cents for binding. I have a whole drawer full of these notes. This is the way in which they were bound, and these were lectures by Alonzo Church. Now these notes [showing a set of notes] were taken cooperatively by, these are all graduate students.

**Aspray:** So there are six or seven people ...

**Tucker:** Yes, and perhaps two would take notes at the same time
and put their notes togethe., Then at another time there would be another
pair, and the duty was shared, because Church didn't have an assistant to
do this.

**Aspray:** I see.

**Tucker:** So it was** **either done by an assistant, or it was
done by volunteers from the class. I happen to have been put in charge of
the mimeographing machine by Dean Eisenhart when I began as an instructor
in 1933. The mimeographing machine was down in the basement of Fine Hall.
Up until that point it had been used without any supervision. The result
of this was that various things had gone wrong with the machine, and it
was decided that it had to be supervised. Somehow this supervision of the
machine turned into it being my job to coordinate all this note business.

For the running of the machine we used student labor. At that time there was a federal program to aid students under the Works Progress Administration, an F.D.R. program. So students could be paid for operating the mimeographing machine, a dollar and a half an hour or something like that. The other problem was collating. This was usually done in the common room around the large table that was in the center of the common room. That table was large enough, more than large enough, to serve as a ping-pong table. And I've known occasions when it was used as a ping-pong table. The piles of page 1, page 2, page 3 would be put around that table. Then we would collect all of the graduate students or others around at that particular time and have a "sorting bee". A person would simply take up a copy of page 1, move on take a copy of page 2, and so we would circulate around the table. Each time you went around the table you had a full copy. So the only cost for these notes was the paper and ink. We charged enough, a dollar a copy, sometimes fifty cents a copy if the set of notes was not very great, to cover these incidental expenses.

But these notes began to be known around the world, and we would get orders for the notes. We would often have to take the stencils and rerun them two or three times, until the stencils were too worn to make additional copies. We sold the copies outside Princeton for the cost in Princeton plus postage. And because of this business, we actually developed an order form that people could use to order copies. Before we realized it we were getting into business.

The first change that was made was to change from mimeographing to lithoprinting. This was done along about 1937 or '38. There was an outfit at that time in Ann Arbor, Michigan by the name of Edwards Brothers that did lithoprinting of course-notes and that sort of thing for the whole country. They had a very efficient operation going there. So we had the course notes lithoprinted instead of mimeographed. We had to charge more for them, but we didn't have all the nuisance of doing it ourselves. Also there was the problem of storage, so we got the Princeton University Press to agree to store them for us. We gradually got them into the business of filling orders from the outside for a 25% commission.

But it still seemed too haphazard, so in 1940 a new publication was
started called *Annals of Mathematics Studies*. Here is one of these
early Studies. This is Study Number Six, "The Calculi of Lambda
Conversion", by Alonzo Church, 76 pages, $1.25. Done from pretty
straight typing, nothing fancy, and we shipped off a typed master copy to
Edwards Brothers. In due time they shipped back the number of copies that
we had ordered. The minimum order that we used in those days was 200
copies, but it very often rose above that. They were priced so that if we
sold the 200 copies we broke even.

**Aspray:** I see.

**Tucker:** But we would very often have to do reruns which cost
very little, and we made a profit on the reruns. The Princeton University
Press accepted** **responsibility, and you'll see here that this was
copyrighted by the Press in 1942. But the Press did not take full
responsibility until several years later; it wasn't regarded as a
publication of the Press. They stored them, they filled orders, collected
25% handling charge, and the rest of what came in was put in a bank
account. I was the only one who could draw from that account, and I used
that to pay the bills at Edwards Brothers and any other incidental
expenses. We would have to pay for the typing of the manuscript. The
present chief secretary here, Genny Dzurkoc, did some of this typing early
on with an IBM electric typewriter with a carbon ribbon in order to make a
clear sharp impression for the lithoprinting. The first one of these *Annals
Studies* was "The Algebraic Theory of Numbers" by Hermann
Weyl, 227 pages, $2.35. The second was one we heard about from John Tukey,
"Convergence and Uniformity in Topology" by John W. Tukey, 95
pages, $1.50.

**Aspray:** But they were all still written by people from the
Princeton community.

**Tucker:** Some of them were written by people who were visitors
here. Number Five here is "The Two-Valued Iterative Systems of
Mathematical Logic" by Emil L. Post. Now he was not at Princeton. I
think he was at Columbia or N.Y.U., but he frequently came to Princeton
and did editorial work with Church for the *Journal of Symbolic Logic*.

There were two reasons for the title *Annals of Mathematics Studies*.
One reason was that the editors of the *Annals of Mathematics Studies*
were nominally the editors of *Annals*. The other reason was that
Lefschetz was anxious to have an escape hatch for long papers that would
be sent to *Annals*. So if they would get a long paper—long by
Lefschetz's definition was roughly 100 pages—and felt that it would take
up too much of the available space in *Annals* and delay the
publication of other papers, the author would be told that he had two
options: to have it published as an *Annals of Mathematics* *Study*
or to withdraw the paper and try somewhere else. I don't think actually
that there were very many cases where the author
chose to put it in *Annals of Mathematics Studies* at that time,
because *Annals* had a regular printed format whereas the Studies
had a typewritten format. And at that time *Annals of Mathematics
Studies* seemed second rate in terms of appearance. But as you can
tell from the fact that the authors were Hermann Weyl, Gödel ("Consistency
of the Continuum Hypothesis" was Number 3 on the list), and F.J.
Murray ("An Introduction to Linear Transformation in Hilbert Space").

These were very fundamental monographs that couldn't have been handled
at that particular time by a commercial publisher. No commercial publisher
would have touched something where he didn't have, say, an expectation of
selling 2000 copies. Whereas we were perfectly willing to go ahead with
the idea of selling only 200 copies. Nowadays *Annals of Mathematical
Studies* is regarded as a fully reputable form of publication. Just
recently we had Volume 100; 1 have it at home. This is Volume 101. So at
about the same time that *Annals of Mathematics* has its 100th
Anniversary *Annals Studies* has passed its hundredth volume
because of course two or three or four may have come out in a year. Now
very often the *Annals Studies* is used to present the papers from
some conference. It is most often used I think for papers by a group of
authors who would like to have their papers appear together, rather than
here and there in the journals. In that way it really now has the status
of journal publication.

**Aspray:** I see.

**Tucker:** Also because it has established itself now, most
libraries that want to have a good mathematics library place standing
orders for *Annals Studies*, and when it comes out, it is
automatically sent to these libraries. And many libraries shelve *Annals
Studies* all together rather than author by author.

**Aspray:** I see.

**Tucker:** Now at the time that *Annals Studies* was
started there was nothing in the way of inexpensive paperback publication
of higher mathematics in the United States. In England there was something
called the *Cambridge Tracts*. Of course nowadays there are
commercial publishers, Springer and so on, that are putting these things
out all the time. So that perhaps at the present time, no one would start
*Annals Studies*, but because it's going, and has almost an
established position it keeps on going.

But at the time it was started it filled the void. And I must say that
through all the various things that I've had a hand in here at Princeton,
there is nothing that gives me greater pride than *Annals of
Mathematics Studies*. My name has never appeared as an editor. I have
been responsible for some of the individual studies. There are five
studies on contributions to the theory of games that are edited by me.
Each one is edited by me and someone else. The first two were edited by me
and H.W. Kuhn, but as for the series itself, even though I regard it as my
series in the same way that Lefschetz regarded *Annals of Mathematics*
as his baby, my name never appears.

**Aspray:** I see.

**Tucker:** I hope that on my tombstone they will put 'Founder of
*Annals of Mathematics Studies*'. Another thing that was started in
the Thirties was the *Princeton Mathematical Series*. This is of
regular hardback books. Here is one of the earlier ones by Claude
Chevalley. It is Number Eight. One strange thing is in these first eight
volumes, three of them have to do with continuous groups. I remember the
Princeton University Press at the time having great** **misgivings
that there should be such a redundancy, as they thought. One of these,
which is the first volume in the series, *The Classical Groups* by
Hermann Weyl. Number Two, *Topological Groups* by L. Pontryagin.
Number Eight, *The Theory of Lie Groups* by Claude Chevalley. But
oddly enough, these books helped sell one another, so this turned out to
be an advantage.

The way this series got going is that there was a mathematical physicist in the department at that particular time, about 1937-38, E.U. Condon. He was at that time the editor of a series of monographs in physics for the publisher Prentice-Hall. He suggested to Prentice-Hall that perhaps Prentice-Hall ought to start a similar series in mathematics. So he came to me one day and said that he would like to take me in to meet some of the people at Prentice-Hall in New York. I went in with him, and there was some general talk, and we had a very nice lunch somewhere and came back to the office of the president of Prentice-Hall. He pulled out a contract and was ready to sign me then and there to edit a series of books for Prentice-Hall. The terms were perhaps fairly generous, that I was to get a two-percent overriding royalty on all books published in this series. But I had to do the reviewing, the refereeing myself, or pay out of my own pocket to have it done.

**Aspray:** I see.

**Tucker:** I, being cautious, said that I would like to think about
it. I came back to Princeton and went to see Dean Eisenhart. I asked him
his advice on it, and I also talked about it with Professor Lefschetz.
Eisenhart said quite firmly that he felt that I shouldn't do it. As he
said, "if you're going to edit a series of books, I think you should
do it for the Princeton University Press." Well, long afterwards I
learned that he had been trying for years to get the Princeton University
Press to start a series of mathematical books. The Press had always
declined to do this, feeling that it would lose money to do a series of
mathematics books. But Dean Eisenhart said, "Let me talk to the
Press." And he talked to the Press.

This all happened very quickly. His position and the fact that I had this offer from Prentice-Hall ... he argued that since Prentice-Hall was willing to do it, and they weren't willing to take a loss, that the Princeton University Press had nothing to worry about. So a contract was written for a series of mathematical books, and the contract was written for a preliminary five years. The Press was not expected to take more than two books a year and also had the right to submit the manuscripts to their regular editorial committee. And subject to all these conditions the book would be printed with the title the "Princeton Mathematical Series". No royalties to the author or to the editors. But I wasn't at all mercenary, so feeling that I would be doing something that Dean Eisenhart and Professor Lefschetz wanted to have done and that this would presumably be to the credit of Princeton mathematics, I willingly consented to this and gave Prentice-Hall my refusal.

However, because I was at that point still not a tenured member in the department—I became tenured later that year—it was decided that there should be two others. These were Marston Morse, representing the Institute for Advanced Study, and H.P. Robertson, who was professor of mathematical physics at the University. But throughout the first years of the Princeton Mathematial Series they were more or less figureheads. The series did very well. The five year period ran out while the war was on and nothing was said about it. It wasn't until about eight years that it was finally realized that things were going on without any extension of the contract, so there was an automatic extension to a ten-year contract. At the end of the ten-year contract the Press just took it over completely. In other words, they felt they no longer needed any protection to publish the series, and at that point it was decided to give the authors a regular royalty, the same as would be given by a commercial publisher, ten percent. But no editorial royalty.

I was told many years afterward that a professor at Brown, A.A. Bennett,
who took on the editorship for Prentice-Hall, by about 1960 was getting in
the neighborhood of $50,000 a year. It was only perhaps at that point that
I had any regrets. But Bennett did all the refereeing himself. And he did
a very fine job of it, because I remember when John Kemeny and company
were having their *Introduction to Finite Mathematics* published by
Prentice-Hall, Bennett went through their manuscript and suggested many
changes to them that they adopted and felt had helped a great deal in the
production of that book.