Adi Martinez

Steven A. Earle

SOC 338- Sociology of the Latinos in the US

Prof. Centeno

"People that come here to these shores

want the same things that everybody else

wants, whether they're legal or illegal.

However they get here, they deserve the

same kind of shot that everybody else gets,

whether they're black, brown, pink, purple,

or polka dot."

ron gordon (4)

Introduction:

Minority groups face many obstacles in their daily lives throughout the nation. They have to confront problems such as discrimination, racism, poor education, lack of political representation and poverty, among many others. One would think that all those considered a minority, all those that have to deal with these hardships, would unite in search for solutions for their problems and reach common goals. However, this is often not the case. As observed in the material studied in class, many minority groups actually segregate themselves from each other and put each other down. The strained relations between Miami Cubans and African-Americans serve as an example of this. The sociological reasons for this are uncertain and vary depending on the place and the groups involved. Such a situation is happening right here in Princeton between the Latinos and the African Americans of the community.

We have found evidence, through newspapers and interviews, that tensions between Latinos and African Americans have occurred in Princeton since 1992. In 1995 several articles appeared in the local newspaper, The Princeton Packet, that reported assaults and altercations between groups of African Americans and Latinos in Princeton, particularly the John/Witherspoon area. Since then, there have been several meetings and people interested in looking at the problems, trying to figure out the reasons for such altercations, and solving the issues at hand. We interviewed several leaders of the community and gained their perspective on the present situation. Even today, there is a feeling that such tensions persist.

In this report, we give an account of the specific incidents that have occurred, some historical background as to how the two groups arrived at Princeton, an account of the meetings and conversations that resulted as a consequence, insight as to what may be the possible reasons for such tensions, and a look into the future of the relationship between the Latinos and African-Americans.

The Incidents and the Meetings According to the Articles:

It is often the case that an underlying uneasiness between groups of people may exist, however they remain in a tacit form. Everyone knows the tension is there, but prefers to not recognize it. Therefore, these feelings of resentment are allowed to accumulate until they become full-blown altercations and cause serious conflicts. These conflicts then start to occur more often, until a point is reached in which people suddenly realize that the problem must be solved. The Latinos and African-Americans of the Princeton community have followed this trend, where tensions between them have been allowed to propagate to the point were violent altercations have occurred.

Although uneasiness between Latinos and African Americans had probably existed before 1992, it is in this year that the first of such violent incidents is reported in The Princeton Packet. During the opening of the newly renovated John Street playground, in August of 1992, three Guatemalan women were assaulted and verbally abused by three black women. After the opening of the park, the three Guatemalan women were watching their kids play on the playground, when they were suddenly approached by the black women holding three children. The black women said to them, "Hey you spics, get out of this park. You don't belong here." (1) Then they proceeded with various obscenities. One of the Guatemalan women said, "We speak English. We're not bothering anybody. We're not doing anything." (1) At this point one African-American women picked up some sand and threw it at her face.

In this article there was also mention of at least six other incidents reported to the police of varying severity. Michaud, the police chief at the time, said in this report that in most cases the blacks were the instigators. He said, "We haven't received any reports with an Hispanic being the aggressor. In the borough we had one [Hispanic] beaten up by two or three black men and robbed. The black men made biased statements." (1) He also mentioned, "I have noticed with the rapidly growing Hispanic population in the John-Witherspoon neighborhood there have been more incidents of this kind." (1) He stated in the article that problems involving these two groups have increased in the John/Witherspoon area during that year and that he was hoping they would improve. However, he was unaware of any major efforts to promote harmony between the races at the time.

However, these tensions did not ease up, and the problem did not improve. In October of 1995, four Hispanics were assaulted by black teens in three separate incidents in the Princeton area. The first conflict occurred at 7:15 p.m., when a group of about 12 black juveniles started to shout at two Latino men and proceeded to chase them onto a porch. An older Latino man, Efran Martinez (55yrs), was nearby. The juveniles turned on him and proceeded to beat him, kicking him four or five times in the head. Martinez had to be hospitalized and needed reconstructive surgery for his broken facial bones. At this point the police chief did not want to call the incident racial, because he felt they were unaware of the factors that caused it. Mr. Martinez's nephew said when talking about the black teens, "They were just looking for someone to beat. They didn't care who it was." (2) However, this incident was later characterized as a "bias incident" because of ethnically derogatory remarks made by the juveniles during the conflict.

In the second incident, which occurred that same night, a 24 year-old Hispanic man was kicked in the stomach and hit in the head by the same group of juveniles while he was sitting on his porch by himself. The third incident involves a 15 year old Hispanic getting punched in the face by a black male in his early to mid teens. The victim said the attack was unprovoked. The article also mentions that a couple of Latino kids had been attacked near Princeton High School earlier that week. Josafat, one of the Latino kids, said that suddenly a group of African American kids approached them and said, "F-ing Mexicans." (2) They then punched both of them in the head and kicked their stomachs. The Hispanic kids said that they hear such comments often.

These incidents caused members of the communities to acknowledge that there has been a great deal of tension between these two groups. One article focused on the comments made by Romona Huff, chairwoman of the Princeton Joint Civil Rights Commission at the time. She complained many blacks feel that the John/Witherspoon neighborhood has gown downhill since the influx of Hispanics, that the Latinos keep their properties dirty and full of garbage, that Hispanics hog the basketball courts, and that they speed down the roads with loud music. It was also mentioned by a Ms. Mackenzie that blacks feel that the community has "turned itself inside out" to provide for the newly arrived Latinos (such as providing Hispanic officers and the offering of Spanish journals and pamphlets), which was not fair to the more longer established African Americans. Ms. Mackenzie also said that meetings between blacks and Latinos with the goal to solve these problems would not create good results because the Hispanics will not attend public meetings, since many are illegal immigrants and want to keep a low profile. However, others, such as Princeton Borough Councilman Roger Martindell, believe that, "We need to have active dialogue led by the municipal governments and interested organizations such as the Civil Rights Commission and the Princeton Task Force on Ethics to deal with the problem, instead of letting it fester and pretending it doesn't exist." (3)

These incidents prompted several meetings. One of the first meetings held to address this issues was a Johnson Park School Parent's and Teacher's Organization meeting. Mr. Gordon, a member of the Rev. Jesse Jackson Rainbow Coalition was invited to mediate this meeting. He said he took "serious umbrage" at the "there goes the neighborhood" type remarks in response to the incidents by Mrs. Huff. He went on to say, "That's the kind of stuff you hear from white people who don't want blacks moving into their community. The kids mirror the values that are passed down to them by the adults. I think that the African-American adults in Princeton have a lot of soul searching to do." (4) He wished to open up a dialogue about diversity, discuss differences, and promote racial harmony. About a month later, more than 100 people met at the Clay Street Learning Center in an attempt to ease the strained relations between the Latinos and blacks of the community. Rev. John White, of the Witherspoon Street Presbyterian Church was the mediator of the meeting, which was sponsored by Clay Street Resident Council, the Princeton Housing Authority, the Latin American Task Force, and the Mercer County Hispanic Association. Rev. White believed the meeting to be promising and said, "This is a start of looking for way to get to know one another. A way to lose prejudices, bias, and fears." (5)

The extent to which these meeting might have helped is uncertain since in 1996, the conflicts continued. In March of 1996, six fights broke out in one week at Princeton High School reported to have all involved Latinos against blacks. A sophomore at the school said that racial tension had been increasing at the school. "People are believing to think they are better than each other because of their race," (6) she said. The school was even featured in a Seventeen magazine article which stated that the school had subtle racial tensions and the students segregated themselves from each other. The article and the conflicts prompted the school to organize a retreat to promote unity and trust between the races. It was designed to allow students of different races to develop teamwork and leadership skills. Students even spent some of their time at the retreat planning programs that could help younger students in the community develop interracial friendships.

Through these articles we have been able to observe the path of the strained relations between the blacks and the Latinos: starting at a point of less severe altercations; finally reaching incidents of violence. It was at this point that the Princeton community involved realized it had a serious problem, so it conducted meetings to try to remedy the situation. However the success of such meetings was questionable.

Historical Background:

According to our interviews of several community leaders, many of the problems and tensions between these two groups result because of the feeling that many African Americans feel that their neighborhood is being taken over by the rapid influx of Hispanics and slipping away. There is also the feeling that it is unfair that the community seems to be going out of their way to help the Latinos, who came to Princeton out of their free will, while they in fact did not and are not receiving such help. In order to understand some of the sentiments felt by the African Americans, some historical background about the Princeton community is needed. This is based on information given to us in an interview with Mr. Martindell, an attorney and Borough Council member.

The first African American community in Princeton came as slaves to work as servants for the university boys. They located themselves in the John/Witherspoon area and bought their own their homes. Within 50 years, white people started buying houses in the area, offering very good prices. A majority of the blacks left town looking for better opportunities elsewhere. These houses then began to be rented out by the new landlords, and, in the last ten years, to mostly Latinos.

The Hispanic influx is mostly due to religious groups in the 1970's that sponsored Salvadorians to get away from the revolution. A few came to Princeton and brought many people with them. According to Mr. Martindell, by late 1980's, Latinos started immigrating to Princeton by the thousands and by now the Latino population is not much smaller than African-American, most of the Latinos concentrated in the John/Witherspoon area. Therefore, it has been felt by the blacks that their community is changing, that they are losing control of it, and that the "identity that the black people had with this community is just slipping away." (9)

The reasons:

In our research on the Princeton Packet and our interviews with several community leaders, we came across different explanations of what causes the conflicts between Latinos and African-Americans here in Princeton. These explanations seem to fall into the different sociological areas that we have been studying in class: race, ethnicity, socio-economic status, generations and gender. To understand the conflicts, it is necessary to study these different explanations in their own contexts. Nevertheless, by treating them separately we become aware that the individual explanations do leave a whole lot without being discussed. Indeed, to discover how these different explanations intertwine will tell us why there exists conflicts between the Latino and African-American here in Princeton.

RACE

Racially based explanations are the first ones that generally tend to come to mind when people are confronted with conflicts between people of different color. This also proved to be true here in Princeton. When the conflicts were published in The Princeton Packet, it was assumed that the explanations of the conflicts were to be based on race matters. The press was a main participant on promoting this immediate ëracial' interpretation. As the Princeton Packet reported the incident, the headline was: Black teens beat Hispanics in three attacks (2). The racial categorization was evident from the beginning. The headline may have very well said ëGroup of teenagers beat community residents in three attacks on Mischief Night'. Nevertheless, there was the immediate assumption that, since the persons involved in the attacks were Blacks and Hispanics, the ëracial' context of the controversy was the outstanding factor. It was ënatural' for the reporters to play with these racial connotations and make it the important thing in the news report.

Racial connotations were avoided by the police authorities and leaders in the community. They knew people would immediately start to think about race issues when the news of the conflict came out, and they did not want that. Racial conflicts are not desired in Princeton, a town that wants to portray a clean-cut multicultural ambiance. The prosperity that the town wants to achieve and portray is severely disturbed by the incidents between Latinos and African Americans; it is evident that the authorities would want to avoid this kind of racial disturbances. Chief of police Anthony Gaylord made sure to avoid any assumptions of racial bias in the conflicts. "We are not calling this a racial incident" he said, as he was asked if there were blacks and Hispanics involved in the conflicts . This non ëracial' stand was also taken by a victim's nephew who stated that the teenagers were "just looking for somebody to beat...they did not care who it was"(2).

But as the investigation went on, more racially based violence would be evident. As was reported in the same article, there had been racially hostile comments done by the perpetrators. Two teenagers explained how they have always been attacked by black youths with verbal violence such as "F-ing Mexicans"(2) and how they are warned not to go to Clay street, since it is off-limits for them. Similar prejudicing comments were thrown against three Hispanic women three years before in the conflict occurring in John Street playground when they were confronted by three black women who called them "Hey you spics..." (1). (Spics is a derogatory term for Hispanic.) Hispanics also reflect some kind of racial discrimination against blacks, although they keep it more to themselves. One incident of this kind was reported by Ron Gordon, a black man with Puerto Rican father. He describes a situation after the incidents when he comes in to a store and the men behind the counter look at him with ëicy stares' and said (thinking that he will not understand) "mal negrito" (bad blackie)(4). The ëracial' context of the issue could not be avoided for long because it existed.

Looking only at difference in race, meaning difference in color, leaves people in a dead end. Even though the press uses the ërace' theme to sell their papers, and the existing fear of the authorities of the existence of this racial conflict, there is a lot more behind the incidents than mere biological difference in color between these minority groups. The situations should be studied more in depth and investigate further sociological causes for the conflicts. In this way it will be possible to see that not so much importance should be attributed to race.

ETHNIC

People that we interviewed did not see the ëracial' context of the issue as useful to describe the tension as much as and ethnic and cultural context would. Hispanic police officer Jorge Narvaez rapidly answers the question about whether the problem is about race conflicts when he says: "It is a race relation and is a cultural problem because there is lack of understanding of both cultures"(11). The same point of the existence of a more relevant ethnic explanation and of ëignorance' about the difference between cultures is made by Mildred Trotman, and African-American member of the Borough Council, when she states that "I would not categorize it so much as racially as I would ethnically because... you know, that comes from ignorance"(9). Reverend White, the minister of the Witherspoon Presbyterian Church makes revealing comments in the article about the meeting held in Clay Street Learning Center after the conflicts, in which he relates the ëracial' problems to the existence of this ethnic ignorance. As he talks about the meetings, he says "This is the start of looking for ways to get to know one another...A way to loose prejudices, bias and fears"(5). Ethnic differences, especially the lack of knowledge of those difference, is then an important thing to look at to understand the growing tensions.

The main problem of not understanding the other's culture is that it results in misunderstanding and a general non-association between these two minority groups. African-Americans and Latinos do not associate regularly, and there is a lack of communication between both minority groups. This seems to be due to two important ethnic factor, difference in culture and language barrier.

As discussed by the people we interviewed, the majority of the Latino community here in Princeton comes from Central America, especially Mexico and Guatemala. They come from their countries with different customs and ideas, that often clash with the more ëAmerican' way of the African-Americans. As stated by our sources, every day things can become a conflict between an African-American family and its Latino neighbors because their different customs. In an article that described the first meeting that happened in the Clay Street Learning Center after the conflicts, the then director of MECHA Frances Blanco tries to explain the garbage problems by indicating that the ëHispanics do not understand the local sanitary ordinances'(5). She attributes this to cultural reasons by saying that "In the country they come from there is no such thing as running water or days when you collect garbage. Many times they are told by the landlords one thing and the town tells them another thing. We need a little bit of awareness from both sides." Many people agree with Ms. Blanco that there is a need for more awareness from part of all the members in the community. Not understanding the other culture causes resentment to accumulate and explode in violent conflicts like the ones that occurred.

This resentment is explained and reflected in the commentaries that were made by Romona Huff, a member of the Princeton Joint Civil Rights Commission and a resident of Race Street. She explains that ëblack residents whose families have lived there for generations complain to each other that the neighborhood has gone downhill since the influx of Hispanics' "We have always had so much pride in our neighborhood and it's not like it used to be". She then proceeds to tell what the Latino do that has been bothering the ëlong time' black residents: "Neighbors complain about the way they (Hispanics) keep their properties, the garbage all over the place. They always have a mattress or something in front of their house."(3)

Other examples of conflicts relating to customs are the complaints generated by black residents about the use of loud music by the Hispanics. Jorge Narvaez gives an account of calls to the Police Department concerning complaints about loud music in the following way: "...we apparently got phone calls from residents in town who wanted to be anonymous complaining about their Hispanic neighbors ëthese guys have all this weird music, listening to all this music I can't understand, they are loud'." He goes on explaining how he sees this a cultural conflict: "These people (Hispanics) back in their towns, wherever they come from, they have one house every two miles. They could have the stereo as loud as they want, nobody was going to complain. They come here, it is a different ball game, you know." Even though these kinds cultural explanations contain some general assumptions, they are attributed a big role as the cause of the conflicts on the community by many people. There is a consensus that a need for awareness and exposure to both cultures can only be reached by further communication between both minority groups.

But there seems to be a major obstacle impeding the communication between African-American and Latinos, and that is the language barrier. As Roger Martindell (10) and Officer Narvaez (11) explained, the majority of the Latinos come to town without being able to speak English. Many don't learn English since they work in service jobs where they are usually surrounded by other Hispanic fellows. Only the youth are confronted directly with the need to learn English as they become part of educational institutions. Neighbors are not able to communicate and voice their concerns to one another because they simply can't even establish a basic conversation. There have been efforts by government and community volunteers to alleviate communication barrier for the Latinos. As Narvaez explains to us, many handouts have been published in Spanish for the Latino residents and bilingual official documents are provided. Also, Spanish speaking staff has been hired in different governmental entities like the Police Department, the courthouse and even in private institutions like the Hospitals. These services help the Latinos to understand better how things are supposed to be done.

Unfortunately, these services seem to be another factor that generates conflict between the African-Americans and Latinos. The African-American community feels that the government has gone out of their way to provide services for the newcomers, and that that is not fair for them . There are many references to this in the articles and in our interviews. In the article Ms. Huff indicates that ë...some longtime black residents were envious of how the Princeton community has "turned itself inside out" to provide Hispanic with services. She proceeds saying that "All of a sudden there's this tremendous concern for these newcomers, and they've (African-Americans) have been there all the time. They could use some of these services too."(3) Mildred Trotman also sees this resentment over services offered to Latinos as she states that "The community is just opening its doors to the Spanish speaking people, they did not do it to the blacks...There is the perception that ways were not made for other cultural groups, ethnic groups as have been for the Latino or the Spanish speaking group." Narvaez goes further by describing an instance in the meetings were this resentment was reflected in some comments made by the African-Americans as he says "Few of the African-American would get up and start yelling, you know ëWhy?' you know, ëWhy do we have to have persons translating for them?' Actually, it was very tense a few times over that." Bitterness over language is even more evident in the insults that were said by a group of African-American women against the Latino women in the incident that occurred in John Street Playground in 1992: "Hey you spics, get out of this park. You don't belong here. You are not legal here. You can't talk."(1) There is a resentment not only over the fact that Spanish is a communication barrier, but also that because of this Spanish barrier the community is providing services that they don't think the Latinos are entitled to as much as the African-Americans.

Ethnic differences between the African American and Latino communities here at Princeton are an apparent cause for controversy. These cultural differences are difficult to overcome due to the language barrier existing between the two groups. It is almost ironic that attempts to surpass the language barrier have caused more conflicts between the African Americans and Latinos. But many fail to realize that cultural differences and language barriers are not the only and most important factors that cause conflicts. Once again a solely ethnic explanation falls short of the reality of the situation. Perhaps, the explanations should not focus on the existing differences between African American and Latinos, but their commonalties as two socio-economically disadvantaged minorities in Princeton.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC

When talking about cultural differences and lack of communications there is evidence of other problems that underlie these issues. For example, when talking about garbage and about how loud Latinos are, there is also the fact that they are living in overcrowded apartments, generating more garbage and noise than a normal family with fewer members would. When explaining how Latinos are not likely to learn English in their jobs since the other employees are also Latino, people may wonder what the great number of Latinos in blue collar jobs implies about the availability of work for the African Americans. As Arcadio Diaz Quinones comments, ëthe power structure wants to portray as a cultural conflict, instead of discussing housing and jobs'(8). Housing and job issues are two socio-economical factors that seem to affect these two communities directly, and even though not many people perceive this, they may be the fundamental cause of conflicts between both minorities.

Availability of low-cost housing is a problem here in Princeton. Latinos who come here to work and want to live in town are faced with costs of rents they could never afford by themselves. Roger Martindell, a member of the Borough Council and an attorney in town, explained how the landlords take advantage of this by offering the Latino with the option of renting an apartment (normally for one family and with a rent of approximately $600 a month) between three or even four families for $1000-$1500. This is convenient for the landlord that gets more money rent, and its make-do for the Latinos that need a cheap place to live close to town and can divide the cost between them. This overcrowding not only affects the living conditions of the Latino families, it also affects the neighbors who are usually the African-American residents. So many people living so close together and in such unhealthy conditions are inevitably going to collide in one way or another, and here is where the ethnic difference clash strongly. As Jim Floyd explains, ëthe problems between the two communities were not problems of race, they were related to the need of adequate housing.'(5) Housing conditions should be seen as an impending factor in the conflicts with these two minorities.

Competitions for jobs is also another factor that might generate tensions between African American and Latino groups. Narvaez explains this general anxiety when he says: "...they (African-Americans) feel that the Hispanics come here to take their jobs, you know, they say that ëwell, yeah now all of them are coming here, they are getting all these jobs at the lower rate, leaving African Americans with half the jobs'. That is one of their big things...that they are coming here to take their jobs away from them." Narvaez disagrees with the notion of Latinos taking away the jobs and explains that the jobs Hispanics have are not the kind of jobs that African-Americans would do anyway (i.e. child care, landscaping, cleaning), that they are not taking away any kind of what he calls university or professional jobs. Roger Martindell (10) admits that there is no evidence of the Latino taking jobs away from the African-Americans, but he explains that there is a perceived notion of preference for Latino in certain jobs in the communities. The Latino worker is seen by the employer as a more docile employee, that works very hard and they are cheap. Martindell also points out the in contrast the African-American may be categorized by the employers as having characteristics opposed to those of being docile and with more inner city attitudes, since often they come all the way from Trenton to work here in Princeton. This might explain why there are concentrations of Latinos in most service jobs than African-American, and the resentment from the African-Americans about Latino taking away job opportunities.

Socio-economic factors of housing and jobs are affecting the relations between African-Americans and Latinos. The local program of housing is not effective and should be, like Jim Floyd, Arcadio Diaz Quinones and Roger Martindell affirm, addressed more directly by the government officials. The lack of jobs and poor economy is also a policy problem that affects the whole population and should be attended more carefully by local and federal authorities. Relations between Latino and African-American are strained, not only because there are racial and ethnic differences, but because this socio-economic reality that these two groups live in promotes certain confrontations which are further complicated with the cultural difference and lack of communication. The growing resentment in this situation is inevitable with the conditions and, as Roger Martindell expressed, the bitterness spreads inside the families, reaching the children. These in their turn put together this identity and develop attitudes based on these ideas. They get together in crowds to reinforce that feeling; then you have an incident.

A look into the Future:

The future of the relations between Latinos and blacks in the Princeton community is uncertain. Depending on whom you talk to, each person has a different opinion as to the effectiveness of the actual programs being held to try to alleviate the tensions. Mildred Trotman believes that a continuation of such meetings and discussions will work very well, once these two distinct cultures understand and respect their differences. Mr. Narvaez was less optimistic. He believes that the Hispanics will just eventually move out of town. "If you feel that you are not welcome, why live there."

Also not very optimistic is Mr. Martindell. He believes that these meeting will never work because of the lack of Latino representation and because of what he explains as the method of ëtalking TO them (minorities) and not WITH them'. Of the lack of representation he explains how many Hispanics in the area are illegal. Therefore, they are apprehensive about going to public meetings and prefer to keep a low profile. Other reasons why Latinos might no attend the meetings are because they have no time due to extensive work hours, no tradition of going to these types of meetings, they don't really understand what is being said because much is not translated, and because they perceive a feeling of discomfort and rejection at this meetings by the other people participating. Finally, one of the main reasons that tensions might persist, according to Mr. Martindell, is that the Hispanics are only here transiently. That is, they are here to make enough money to go back home and live comfortably. The Latino's main focus is his/her job and not attending public meetings.

He described the approach that has been used towards the conflicts as ineffective, because instead of reaching for the individuals, these meetings try to develop understanding in a general level. This general level he says, is more like a parade, where the problem is shown to everybody and no solution is reached. Rather than creating understanding between groups, it is creating a ëbacklash' with the African-American, that create expectations of things changing, and get upset when they realize that they are not. Tension will persist if the approach does not change. And if the situation does not change, most of the present families will move out, new families will come in, and the problem will persist.

Bibliography

1. Strasser, Laurie Lynn. "Harassment of Hispanics at Park Opening Alleged." The

Princeton Packet. August 28, 1992. pg 3A.

2. Strasser, Laurie Lynn. "Black Teens Beat Hispanics in Three Attacks." The

Princeton Packet. November 3, 1995. pg 1A.

3. Strasser, Laurie Lynn. "Monday's Violence Seen as Symptomatic of Tensions."

The Princeton Packet. November 3, 1995. pg. 3A.

4. Strasser, Laurie Lynn. "Mixed-race Princeton Man Pursuing Racial Harmony."

The Princeton Packet. November 10, 1995. pg. 3A.

5. Prospero, Linda. "Princetons Reach for Racial Harmony." The Princeton

Packet. November 17, 1995. pg. 1A.

6. Greenblatt, Sarah. "PHS Students Say Fights Symptom of Growing Tension."

The Princeton Packet. March 26, 1996 pg. A1.

7. Greenblatt, Sarah. "Finding Grounds for Understanding." The Princeton Packet.

April 23, 1996. pg. 5A.

8. Mr. Arcadio Quin~ones. Personal Interview

9. Mrs. Mildred Trotman. Personal Interview

10. Mr. Roger Martindell. Personal Interview

11. Mr. Jorge Narvaez. Personal Interview